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["Asia Pacific Viewpoint, EarlyView. ", "\nABSTRACT\nWhat does it mean to ‘do no harm’ in academic research? ‘Do no harm’ ethics emphasizes the responsibility of researchers to mitigate the emotional, physical, and political harms that may arise through participation in research. These concerns are heightened in conflict zones, where access constraints and intersecting vulnerabilities shape the experiences of research participants, research partners, and researchers alike. In complex situations like Myanmar, where authoritarian governance and protracted conflict exacerbate risk, collaboration with local research partners is often viewed as essential for both access and safety. Yet existing scholarship on research ethics in conflict zones has paid limited attention to how ‘do no harm’ principles apply across the broader research network. Drawing on 3 years of collaborative research conducted in Myanmar between 2015 and 2018, this article examines how research networks can simultaneously mitigate and produce harm. The analysis demonstrates that local partnerships alone do not guarantee minimized physical and emotional harm and may, under certain conditions, generate new forms of risk. I argue for a re‐evaluation of standard approaches to ‘do no harm’ ethics in conflict settings that centers the research network as a site of ethical consideration. This includes complicating what informed consent means amid perceived alliances and anticipated benefits, ensuring that data security through anonymity and confidentiality are maintained within partnerships, and making collective decisions to prevent the weaponization of research. In doing so, the article extends critical approaches to research ethics in conflict zones by foregrounding the research network.\n"]

["Asia Pacific Viewpoint, EarlyView. ", "\nABSTRACT\nIn this article we examine the emergence of Hanoi's craft beer scene as a window into shifting class identities, aspirational consumption, and local–global negotiations in contemporary Vietnam. We bring together Bourdieu's theorisation of taste as symbolic capital with Appadurai's concept of aspiration to analyse how consumption practices become bound up with distinction and imagined futures. Methodologically, we draw on 67 semi‐structured interviews with craft beer consumers, as well as key informant interviews with industrial actors. We analyse how craft beer functions not only as a beverage but as a marker of taste that can signal cosmopolitan belonging and middle class distinction, and show how craft beer consumption reflects both enduring cultural attachments and future‐oriented lifestyles. Nonetheless, we also find that while many craft beer drinkers embrace its creativity and global appeal, some also remain deeply attached to bia hơi, Vietnam's iconic unpasteurised draft beer, citing affordability, familiarity, and cultural resonance. We argue that the rise of craft beer in Hanoi is not simply a diffusion of global trends, but a locally mediated practice where class dynamics, nationalism, memory, and experimentation intersect.\n"]

East European Politics and Societies, Ahead of Print.
This article examines globalization in Hungary and Austria, two equal-sized, landlocked Central European countries without an overseas colonial past, and their relationship with the Global South from the 1960s until the 1990s. Recent literature assumes ...

East European Politics and Societies, Ahead of Print.
War has often been posited as the antithesis of globalization. This article, however, follows historian Paul Chamberlin in considering how the Cold War might be viewed instead as a moment in which new global linkages, revolving around “flows of arms, ...

East European Politics and Societies, Ahead of Print.
The study examines Hungary’s failed civilian housing construction project in Libya (1980–1984) as a case study of socialist globalization, reassessing relations between Eastern Europe and the Global South during the late Cold War. It argues that socialist ...

East European Politics and Societies, Ahead of Print.
From the EditorsTo mark this anniversary year, in whichEast European Politics and Societies(EEPS) celebrates forty years since its inception, we invited editors and contributors to put together online-only “virtual issues” of articles that have been ...

East European Politics and Societies, Ahead of Print.
The 2010s and the 2020s have seen a revival of research on globalization in state socialist Eastern Europe, making it one of the most extensive areas of study in the region’s contemporary history. The new wave of research has produced a wealth of novel ...

East European Politics and Societies, Ahead of Print.
This article analyzes the impact of economic globalization on the decline of the footwear industry in Czechoslovakia and the Czech Republic during the last two decades of the twentieth century. Rather than presenting the story of increasing integration ...

["Middle East Policy, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nIn 2021, Palestinians rallied to save families in East Jerusalem from eviction by launching the online #SaveSheikhJarrah campaign. These activists, many of them young, used platforms like Instagram, Twitter, and TikTok to share footage, mobilize support, and inform global audiences. The campaign illustrated the growing role of digital advocacy in shaping narratives around the Israeli‐Palestinian conflict. This study examines perceived political efficacy among Palestinians aged 18–27, commonly referred to as Gen Z. The quantitative descriptive‐analytical design based on an online survey of 402 respondents finds high levels of daily platform usage, with social media serving as a primary source of political information. Correlation and regression analyses reveal statistically significant associations among digital platform usage, political participation, beliefs about censorship of online content, and perceptions of digital political efficacy. The results provide evidence of how Palestine's Generation Z understands and experiences digitally mediated political engagement and the constraints of their platforms.\n"]

["Middle East Policy, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nFor nearly a decade following the Arab uprisings, relations between Ankara and key Gulf capitals were marked by intense rivalry and proxy contestation across several regional arenas, notably in Egypt and Syria. Why did relations shift toward pragmatic cooperation after such prolonged polarization? This study revisits the concepts of the Turkish and Gulf models of regional order. It argues that Türkiye's behavior during the Arab uprisings was shaped primarily by geopolitical calculations and regime‐alignment logic rather than by a coherent project of democracy promotion. The tensions that emerged between Ankara and Gulf states therefore reflected competing visions of regional order. Between 2011 and 2021, these rival models generated polarization, after which relations shifted toward compartmentalization and pragmatic normalization. This article is part of a series guest edited by Hamdullah Baycar and Betul Dogan‐Akkas, based on the Gulf Studies Symposium organized by the Gulf International Forum, April 11–12, 2025, at Georgetown University in Washington.\n"]

["Middle East Policy, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThe US‐Israeli war on Iran appears to demonstrate the perils of a transactional diplomacy that dismisses the rules‐based, liberal international order in pursuit of American dominance. Much of the growing literature assumes transactional diplomacy will be a temporary, Trump‐driven departure from traditional, values‐based statecraft. By contrast, while we harbor reservations about transactionalism, we refuse to embrace such predetermined conclusions. Moreover, we do not believe transactionalism will fade after Trump, as a number of states are embracing it, especially in the Middle East. Despite this, to our knowledge, there has been no effort to assess transactionalism through case studies from the region. This article provides a comparative evaluation of transactional and traditional diplomacy through a cost‐benefit analysis of their objectives and methods. It then examines two examples of transactional diplomacy, the Gaza peace plan and US support for post‐Assad Syria. Our findings provide leverage to analyze Washington's 2026 war on Iran. The evidence indicates that the conflict should not be interpreted as a failure of transactional diplomacy, since the administration never genuinely engaged in reciprocal bargaining. Instead, it demonstrates that transactionalism is of limited use in crises defined by maximalist demands and rapid escalation.\n"]

["Middle East Policy, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThis study analyzes why university students in the West Bank appeared to show minimal public and collective engagement during the Gaza war. Drawing on semi‐structured interviews with 62 students from six Palestinian universities, the research indicates that young people's responses were shaped by intersecting emotional, structural, and political factors. While students expressed deep moral and identity‐based solidarity with the people of Gaza—mainly through online expression—they also described feelings of exhaustion, fear, and political disillusionment that limited their capacities for organized action. Many reported self‐censorship, caution, and selective forms of engagement such as digital advocacy, boycotts, and humanitarian donations. These patterns reflect the tensions among enduring empathy and the constraints imposed by repression, surveillance, and factional division. The study offers insight into how Palestinian youth navigate activism and resistance under occupation, and how their emotional and political fatigue may reshape the future of student mobilization in the occupied territories.\n"]

["Bulletin of Latin American Research, Volume 45, Issue 3, July 2026. ", "\nABSTRACT\nFor the last 6 years, El Salvador has undergone a transition towards an authoritarian regime. One of the key factors in this process is the rise to power of a new faction of the political elite led by Nayib Bukele and linked by close kinship and business relations. This new elite has broken the consensual unity around the rules of the political playing field laid down in 1992, launching a legitimization strategy based on the resignification of the Peace Accords, punitive populism, reconfiguration of the political role of the military, and authoritarian capitalism as an economic policy model.\n"]

East European Politics and Societies, Ahead of Print.
Under the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), the European Union (EU) has worked to harmonize judicial systems in Eastern Partnership countries with European standards. Political leaders in Ukraine, Georgia, and Moldova have publicly endorsed justice ...

Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
The 2019 popular uprising in Chile can be understood as a reaction to a social policy regime that was established during Pinochet’s dictatorship and continued, with minor changes, into the 21stcentury. By the turn of the century, no other country in ...

Modern China, Ahead of Print.
The existing literature on environmental activism in China remains largely framed by the state–society paradigm, with limited attention to how ethics, relationships, and subjectivity shape activist practices. In response, this article combines the ...

Modern China, Ahead of Print.
The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution was a sweeping mass assault that shook the political foundations of China’s Leninist party-state. But why was it called a “cultural revolution”? What, precisely, was “cultural” about Mao’s last revolutionary ...

Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
Various studies have drawn attention to the growing militarization of public security in Chile due to increased military involvement in both repression and internal security following the social uprising of October 2019. This article examines the origins ...

Modern China, Ahead of Print.
This article introduces the concept of “vernacular obstetric science” to explain how the Chinese Communist Party organized obstetric knowledge for rural use from the wartime base areas of the 1940s to the barefoot doctor program of the early 1970s. ...

["Asia Pacific Viewpoint, EarlyView. ", "\nABSTRACT\nAs a colonial product of British social engineering during the militarized emergency of the 1950s, the Chinese new villages have provoked critical contemplation and reflection concerning their role and ramifications within a multi‐ethnic Malaysian society. Seventy years after their establishment, how they have evolved and transformed has captured tremendous public concern. Will the Chinese new villages adhere to the historical trajectory of rural depopulation observed in other Asian developing nations, and what direction will they pursue for their future development? This paper uses a socio‐spatial transformation approach as an explanatory framework to reflect the impact of urbanization leading to rapid rural depopulation resulting from ‘push and pull’ factors marked by scarcity in both economic opportunities and land in Malaysia's remote rural sector. The study first reviews the features of rural depopulation in two selected Asian countries. Following this, the post‐war features in urban growth and rural decline in Malaysia are dealt with, together with an analysis of aging and fertility rate change. This investigation is further enriched by questionnaire interviews conducted with the original inhabitants of two new villages in Sagil and Jementah, Johor. The focus will be directed towards elucidating the causes and effects of the exodus and decline of the new village population, alongside the challenges facing them and prospects.\n"]

Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association, Ahead of Print.
This paper will raise critical concerns regarding the utilization of artificial intelligence (AI) in psychoanalysis—in and around clinical settings and in its literature. The author will explore fantasies about AI on the part of patients and analysts ...

Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association, Ahead of Print.

Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association, Ahead of Print.

Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association, Ahead of Print.

["Middle East Policy, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article analyzes the peace process between Turkey and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which has been playing out since fall 2024, and explains why it is unlikely to succeed. As of spring 2026, negotiations had reached an impasse over how the Turkish constitution should be amended to recognize Kurdish rights. Obstacles also included how to facilitate the reintegration into society of PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan and his militants; renewed violence between Turkey and the PKK's ally, the Syrian Democratic Forces, which had been embroiled in fighting with the militias of post‐Assad Damascus; and a deadlock in the Turkish parliamentary committee charged with implementing the peace process. Despite these setbacks, the analysis suggests, Ankara could still calculate that it would gain strength rather than weaken if it were to extend to the Kurds constitutional recognition and rights, as the resulting peace and unity could bolster its domestic and international position.\n"]

["Pacific Focus, EarlyView. ", "\nABSTRACT\nLike many other states of the “Global South,” India and China have consistently professed their neutrality in the ongoing war between Russia and Ukraine. This article compares and contrasts the “neutral” positions adopted by New Delhi and Beijing regarding the conflict. It does so by positing a definition of neutrality that is broader and less ambiguous than the conventional definition, employing five distinct criteria for assessing a country's neutrality: (i) nonparticipation in military action; (ii) a refusal to officially take sides in the conflict; (iii) a refusal to officially apportion blame for its outbreak or consequences; (iv) a refusal to use state‐controlled media resources to amplify either side's official narrative; (v) nonparticipation in economic sanctions. Applying this definition, the article concludes that India's stance on the Russia–Ukraine war appears to come relatively close to the “ideal type” of neutrality, whereas China cannot be considered a neutral power in this conflict.\n"]

["Asia Pacific Viewpoint, EarlyView. ", "\nABSTRACT\nThis paper examines the Solomon Islands Graduate Intern Supervision and Support Project (SIGISSP) and its successor, the Solomon Islands Medical Partnership for Learning, Education and Research (SIMPLER), a decade‐long partnership between the Solomon Islands Ministry of Health and Medical Services, the National Referral Hospital and Australian Volunteers International. Triggered by the return of Cuban‐trained medical graduates and the absence of domestic capacity to support their transition into practice, this programme evolved into a multi‐layered partnership spanning national, institutional and interpersonal levels. Drawing on interviews with Australian volunteers and extensive documentary analysis, the paper explores how long‐term, skills‐based volunteering contributed to clinical training and systems strengthening. While the programme is widely perceived as successful, it also reflects the geopolitical context in which it operated, including Australia's public diplomacy objectives and persistent postcolonial asymmetries. The analysis highlights both the enabling conditions for effective collaboration and partnership and the structural constraints that risk reproducing inequities within health workforce development in the Pacific.\n"]

Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
This article addresses core causes of violence in Colombia in addition to the political economy of violence. It examines the rentier economy and the new structure of the evolving system of violence following the signing of the Peace Accord in 2016 between ...

Modern China, Ahead of Print.
Heavily influenced by Western scientism, the economics profession strives to emulate classical physics in its search for universal laws that govern the complex world. However, the indeterminacy of the economic world means that economics cannot replicate ...

Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association, Ahead of Print.

Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association, Ahead of Print.

["Asia Pacific Viewpoint, EarlyView. ", "\nABSTRACT\nCritiques by Myanmar journalists and activists to CNN's ‘parachute journalism’ in Myanmar after the February 2021 military coup exemplify growing calls for the decolonisation of media and media studies. Even prior to CNN's arrival, a backlash emerged on social media and in local and regional news outlets as local and regional journalists, activists and academics and their allies critiqued this high‐profile parachute journalism as doing more harm than ‘good’. This paper documents these local critiques of transnational media production and reporting practices in 2021, highlighting alternative strategies for change. The responses documented exemplify the growing critique from within Myanmar of problematic images and information produced by outsiders about their country and of local peoples' marginalisation from these knowledge production processes. This paper clarifies the need for a more nuanced theorisation of resistance that recognises, documents and highlights the symbiotic nature of both decolonising and deimperialising efforts, and outlines how calls for the decolonisation/deimperialisation of major academic and media institutions exemplify a form of epistemic refusal of their production practices and resulting narratives.\n"]

["Pacific Focus, EarlyView. ", "\nABSTRACT\nThis study investigates the influence of perceptions of the United States and China on individual support for democratic and non‐democratic governments in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), set against the backdrop of heightened global power rivalry in public discourse. This study shifts the emphasis from macro‐level patterns of authoritarian dissemination to micro‐level perspectives, evaluating how citizens perceive the governing regimes linked to these principal powers. The analysis, employing data from Arab Barometer Wave 8, explores the relationship between negative perceptions toward America and favorable sentiments toward China about preferences for democratic versus non‐democratic governance. The findings reveal clear correlations: intensified negative attitudes against the United States are associated with reduced support for democracy, whereas elevated positive sentiments toward China are linked to greater receptiveness to non‐democratic alternatives. These developments indicate a wider decline in the normative status of liberal democracy in certain regions of the Global South, where global competition increasingly influences the criteria by which individuals assess political systems. This study advances the existing discussion on authoritarian diffusion and democratic resilience by emphasizing individual‐level attitudes. It demonstrates that international power dynamics intersect with domestic political decisions, affecting voters' evaluations of various regime types.\n"]

["Middle East Policy, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThe Iran War erupted in February 2026 without UN authorization, and Washington's rationales—Iranian nuclear ambitions, missile capacity, and proxy threats—map more closely onto Israeli than US security interests. Why have we seen two major conflicts between these belligerents in less than one year? This study argues that the Israel‐Iran escalation spiral between 2023 and 2026 followed the logic of an iterated chicken game. Incremental brinkmanship gradually normalized direct conflict, which sparked the 12‐day war of 2025. A ceasefire was reached only after the combatants' calculations were altered by Washington's bombing of Iran's nuclear sites and its forcing Israel to stop short of destroying the regime. However, this left the underlying incentive structure intact, resulting in a far more destructive offensive in 2026. The article contends that the June 2025 collision did not restore deterrence but transformed the conflict into a more volatile US‐Iran confrontation. Israel's escalatory threshold has been lowered as it assumes continued American backing, while Iran's incentives to pursue nuclear breakout have increased. The conclusion lays out steps the United States must take to prevent more devastation.\n"]

["Middle East Policy, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nWhile there has been an upsurge in the use of cryptocurrency worldwide, several states in the Middle East and North Africa initially attempted—implicitly or explicitly—to ban it. However, the regional markets for crypto continued to grow, and the number of users increased despite the illegality of trading or mining. In response, states began around 2020 to lift their prohibitions and regulate crypto. This article argues that this policy shift was driven not by virtual currency's promise as a means of decentralizing monetary systems but instead by the governments’ needs to reassert control. The study maps and investigates the evolution of cryptocurrency regulation by 14 MENA governments before and after 2020. The analysis finds that these states, in both periods, used the same language of national security, economic stability, and Sharia—first to justify their bans and then to allow cryptocurrency but only within their systems of control.\n"]

Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association, Ahead of Print.
This paper examines psychoanalysts’ affective and defensive responses to artificial intelligence (AI) through the lens of originary technicity, the philosophical claim that technology is constitutive of the human rather than external to it. Drawing on ...

Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association, Ahead of Print.

Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association, Ahead of Print.
The occasion of delivering a plenary presentation at the annual meeting of the American Psychoanalytic Association offered me the opportunity to make a summary statement of my lifelong work on the theory of unformulated experience and the interpersonal ...

["Pacific Focus, EarlyView. ", "\nABSTRACT\nHow does the North Korean regime secure elite loyalty without institutional transparency or material redistribution? While existing studies have examined the use of Partizan narratives under Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il, this paper argues that Kim Jong Un introduces a significant discursive shift: the invention of “Kim Jong Un Partizans.” This symbolic construction enables the regime to naturalize legitimacy without a direct historical or revolutionary foundation, reframing memory politics as an elite‐binding technology under third‐generation rule. This study synthesizes discourse theory and authoritarian elite politics by showing how performative memory, staged through rituals and elite signals, helps produce common knowledge within a politically engineered epistemic enclosure. Using a qualitative case study and historical tracing, it analyzes 1496 articles from Rodong Sinmun (1960s–2021). The findings show how revolutionary narratives sustain dynastic rule across generations. This research contributes to understanding how authoritarian regimes perform legitimacy through symbolic power, elite interpellation, and discursive continuity.\n"]

["Asia Pacific Viewpoint, EarlyView. ", "\nABSTRACT\nThe Lai Chi Vun Shipyard in Coloane, Macao, is the city's last relatively well‐preserved shipbuilding industrial site. It was once South China's biggest wooden shipbuilding base; it fell into decline and abandonment before emerging as a contested heritage site. In 2016, structural deterioration prompted government demolition plans, which in turn triggered strong civic resistance from local communities. This study uses fieldwork, NVivo‐based coding and analysis of planning texts and stakeholder perspectives to examine competing interpretations of the shipyard's heritage significance. Official stories focused on redevelopment and tourism, but communities put forward what this paper calls a Situated Heritage Claim, a context‐specific assertion of heritage value grounded in local attachments and shared memory in response to demolition threats and fragmented governance. The eventual designation of the site as Classified Immovable Property in 2018 marked a turning point in Macao's heritage discourse. After that, the site was partly turned into cultural and creative spaces while parts of its industrial past were kept. This case shows how bottom‐up engagement, articulated through Situated Heritage Claims, insert community‐based values into formal recognition processes and expand understandings of heritage as rooted in everyday cultural practice.\n"]

Modern China, Ahead of Print.
Over the course of six decades of scholarly exploration, Philip C. C. Huang has conducted in-depth research on Chinese history and contemporary society and published fifteen monographs based on his findings. His work covers the late imperial, modern, and ...

["Middle East Policy, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nIndia's pro‐Palestinian diplomatic posture, which held for nearly 70 years, has been transformed within a single decade of rule by the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), turning New Delhi into one of Israel's most consequential Asian partners. This shift has narrowed the coalition supporting the Palestinian cause. The new orientation was illustrated after the deadly October 7 attacks: The government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi muted criticism of, and avoided UN resolutions to end, the Gaza war, as Israel considered replacing Palestinian workers with thousands of Indian nationals. This article argues that India's reorientation is driven by three converging forces: strategic incentives such as access to defense technology and intelligence cooperation; ideological affinities between Zionism and the Hindu nationalist ideology Hindutva; and the absence of opposition from Gulf states. This allowed New Delhi to deepen ties with Israel without jeopardizing regional partnerships. The study shows that India‐Israel cooperation accelerated after the BJP came to power in 2014, soon consolidated into a strategic partnership, and influenced India's position on Israel during the post‐October 7 wars.\n"]

["Middle East Policy, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article examines Iran's security and defense initiatives in sub‐Saharan Africa between 1990 and 2024 and how they reflect the extraterritorial application of the regime's forward defense doctrine. In response to the long‐term erosion of its homeland defense capabilities since the Iran‐Iraq War of the 1980s—driven by infrastructure degradation, international sanctions, and increasing Israeli and US pressure—Tehran has sought to expand its strategic depth beyond the Levant. Through partnerships with states such as Sudan and South Africa, as well as discreet engagement with nonstate actors, Iran approaches sub‐Saharan Africa as a peripheral buffer zone. These interactions aim to project influence, safeguard national interests, and counter rival actors. The article analyzes how the Islamic Republic uses dynamic, subversive, and hybrid approaches, including pragmatic alliances, interference, arms transfers, intelligence cooperation, terrorism, and cyberwarfare. These practices illustrate how sub‐Saharan Africa is becoming an increasingly relevant extension of Iran's forward defense strategy within a competitive, zero‐sum security environment.\n"]

["Pacific Focus, EarlyView. ", "\nABSTRACT\nSouth Korean President Park Geun‐hye's 2016 decision to authorize the deployment of the U.S. Forces Korea THAAD system—and Beijing's subsequent economic and diplomatic coercion—marked a decisive inflection point in Seoul's China policy. This article analyzes how both South Korea's progressive and conservative coalitions revised their expectations regarding China and domestic public opinion through the protracted episode. The result has been a bipartisan resignation that South Korea is now structurally positioned to disappoint China. Yet, an enduring hope persists in Seoul that a new equilibrium has been reached. This conflicts with Beijing's likely belief that, through the calibrated use of carrots and sticks, its neighbor will progressively accommodate Chinese interests—a contradiction set to deepen as Beijing's expectations rise in step with its growing power.\n"]

["Pacific Focus, EarlyView. ", "\nABSTRACT\nThe intensifying competition between the United States and China has been significantly reshaping the global order, presenting considerable challenges for states in the Asia‐Pacific region. As an emerging geopolitical construct, the region has posed formidable challenges and strategic constraints for Pakistan, compelling it to manage its historical alliances, redefine priorities, and formulate viable policy responses in the evolving global landscape. To unfold Pakistan's positioning, this paper asks how Pakistan navigates its foreign policy priorities and strategic calculations while dealing with the US–China competition? Based on the hedging framework, the paper argues that Pakistan's foreign policy positioning revolves around pragmatic hedging with either power in the US–China rivalry. Pakistan's geostrategic engagement with the United States and its geo‐economic and geo‐security partnership with China aim to cultivate a zero‐enemy stance/narrative, balancing competitive coexistence and maximizing returns from both powers. The evaluation demonstrates that Pakistan's national security strategic doctrine/policy prioritizes geo‐economics considerations over geopolitics to navigate its economic challenges, address its status dilemma in South Asian geopolitics, and manage complex geo‐security issues.\n"]

["Asia Pacific Viewpoint, EarlyView. ", "\nABSTRACT\nPacific Island peoples have long histories of adapting to environmental changes, but recent climate change is now driving complex risks that unfold within rapidly shifting societal and environmental contexts. This study investigates how remote Indigenous communities in New Ireland, Papua New Guinea, experience and want to respond to complex climate risks. Through participatory workshops and observations with 318 participants across eight communities, a web of interacting social and environmental stressors was identified to shape risks to food security, health and well‐being and water, sanitation and hygiene. Participants drew on scientific, traditional and religious knowledge systems to interpret and manage these risks. Locally controllable, low‐cost strategies were prioritised, targeting root causes of vulnerability such as inadequate sanitation, limited access to education and social issues. The findings suggest that community‐based risk and adaptation assessments are strengthened by approaches that integrate diverse knowledge systems and address both climatic and non‐climatic drivers of risk.\n"]

Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
This article examines how the COVID-19 pandemic and Chile’s Emergency Family Income (IFE) reshaped households in the Social Household Registry (RSH). Using administrative data (2016–2021), we analyze the emergence of "new" and "disaggregated" households—...

Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association, Ahead of Print.

Latin American Perspectives, Ahead of Print.
This article aims to demonstrate that Pedagogy of the Oppressed is an historical document of Paulo Freire’s praxis in Chile’s agrarian reform process, arising from his development of peasant literacy practices during his exile in the country (1964-1969). ...

Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association, Ahead of Print.