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--- - |2 Abstract During the 2016 U.S. presidential election, Trump supporters expressed that they believed Trump was a moral candidate because of his past successes. Such statements are consistent with our argument that people judge others’ morality based on their success and failure‐related outcomes, even though these outcomes are usually associated with judgments of competence. Moreover, we argue that these outcome‐based perceptions of morality play a crucial role in responses to political candidates, independent of perceived competence. In three experiments, we manipulated a hypothetical candidate's outcomes (past successes vs. failures, or success in light of past misfortune vs. good fortune). We examined the effect of the manipulation on perceptions of the candidate's morality and competence, as well as support for the candidate (e.g., voting intentions). Across the three experiments, candidates’ outcomes affected not only perceptions of their competence, but also their morality. In turn, outcome‐based perceptions of competence and morality independently predicted candidate support. Our findings have implications for how people responded to the campaigns in the 2016 U.S. presidential election, especially the campaign run by Donald Trump. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.

--- - |2 Abstract Although national flags arguably reflect a unified nation, support for a particular flag design may vary across ideological cleavages within the electorate. Here, we examined the impact of system‐challenging and system‐justifying ideologies, as well as political party support, on support for flag‐change in a large (N = 13,559) nationally representative sample of New Zealand adults. As hypothesized, system‐justifying ideologies (e.g., conservatism, right‐wing authoritarianism, historical negation, and symbolic exclusion) correlated negatively with flag change support, whereas system‐challenging ideologies (e.g., support for multiculturalism) correlated positively with support for change. Yet, consistent with an identity politics perspective, support for the National Party—the center‐right/conservative party in New Zealand whose leader advocated change—correlated positively (rather than negatively) with support for changing the flag. These results demonstrate the countervailing effects of system‐justifying and system‐challenging ideologies on support for change, and identify a boundary condition of conservatives’ opposition to change (namely, party support). - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.

--- - |2 Abstract According to a 2017 U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) survey, 12.3% of households face food insecurity (FI)—the economic and social condition of limited or uncertain access to adequate food. Given the pervasiveness of the problem, there is surprisingly little research examining how the general population perceives FI. Is FI expected in all societies? Is it a societal disgrace for individuals in the United States to go hungry? When it occurs, who is responsible? This research drew from existing surveys and practitioner expertise to develop a comprehensive instrument to assess attitudes toward FI. Data were collected in two studies to test a multidimensional model developed through examination and categorization of FI‐related items. We examined dimensionality of attitudes through exploratory (Study 1, N = 503) and then confirmatory (Study 2, N = 510) factor analysis of representative samples of Amazon Mechanical Turk (MTurk) participants. Seven dimensions were identified and related to reported contributions to food organizations and demographic characteristics (e.g., gender, age, and political orientation). Our findings help understanding of attitudes toward FI and can provide antipoverty organizations with information to shape policy, challenge inaccurate perceptions, and develop approaches to address FI. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.

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--- - |2 Abstract Following 9/11 and the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, anti‐Muslim antipathy dramatically escalated in the United States. We argue that a major contributor to this hostility is endorsement of Right‐Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) because people high in RWA tend to respond aggressively toward groups that they view as threatening particularly when they perceive that such aggression is supported by authority figures. We posit that Americans high in RWA view Muslims as threatening traditional American norms and perceive that the U.S. government is at war with Islam. Across three studies, we present consistent support for our hypothesis that RWA is associated with endorsing and engaging in hostile behavior toward Muslims. In addition, this hostility is mediated by the perception that Muslims threaten societal norms and that the government is actively at war with Islam (Study 3). The implications for the reduction of aggression toward Muslims and the impact of RWA on hostility toward other outgroups are discussed. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.

--- - |2 Abstract The first known university food pantry started at Michigan State University in 1993. Since then, campus food pantries are more widespread, although little is known about them. The current study examined how college pantries best serve students and foster their success. Twenty‐eight food pantry directors and staff from across sixteen Michigan college campuses engaged in concept mapping, a technique used to examine the interrelationships among concepts understood by stakeholders. Analyses identified six concepts, examined importance of each concept as assigned by participants, and evaluated variation among institutions. Implications for findings and future research directions are discussed. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.

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--- - |2 Abstract Increasingly, individuals identify with two or more racial or cultural, yet are sometimes externally misclassified, contributing to experiences of invisibility within U.S. society. Using computational techniques, we examined the transmission of cultural identity terms through time, providing some evidence for the changing representation of social identity. We examined the usage patterns of identity terms with the prefixes (mono‐, bi‐, multi‐), modifying the social identity terms: culture, ethnicity, and race (e.g., comparing monocultural, monoethnic, and monoracial). For bicultural and multicultural terms, those with ‐racial suffixes were the earliest used terms, while those with ‐cultural and ‐ethnic suffixes gained more popularity in recent years. We examined the evolution of the higher frequency social identity terms in lay sources (the NY Times, Reddit), and found that interracial and multicultural were the most popular over time, peaking recently. We examined the potential time lag in the sequence of identity terms among academic (PsycINFO, NIH, and NSF Databases), lay (the NY Times), and mixed sources (Google Books N‐Grams), demonstrating that newer terms (e.g., multicultural) are first used and gain prevalence in lay sources, then mixed sources, and eventually academic sources. The implications of these findings for research, public policy, and psychosocial experiences of individuals are discussed. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.

--- - |2 Abstract The Internet represents a powerful tool for racist groups to build a sense of group consciousness and promote their cause. In the current study, we examined the language used by racist (n = 87), anti‐racist (n = 50), and nonactivist (n = 1379) groups when describing their self‐defining beliefs online. We used computerized linguistic analysis software to measure psychological indicators and antecedents of group consciousness and to examine the persuasive techniques used in online group communication. Racist and anti‐racist groups were similar on some linguistic indicators of group consciousness (e.g., use of words reflecting perceived injustice), but differed on others (e.g., use of words reflecting group identification). Linguistic indicators of antecedents of group consciousness (moral foundations and focus on religion) differed across groups, with racist groups focused more on purity, respect for authority, and religion, and less on fairness than anti‐racist groups. Racist groups also used less cognitively complex language than nonactivist groups (but similar levels to anti‐racist groups). Our results contribute to understanding how racist groups promote their self‐defining beliefs online, and identify several key factors that should be considered when designing policies to reduce racist groups’ growth and impact. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.

--- - |2 Abstract In 2002, Care Not Cash/Proposition N was introduced to respond to public concern over San Francisco's chronic homeless epidemic. The controversial initiative, which significantly reduced General Assistance (cash aid) to unhoused people, diverted funds to direct services such as shelter, food, medical assistance, and substance abuse programs. To investigate the underlying attitudes and beliefs that framed homelessness and the Care Not Cash policy in the months leading up to the citywide vote articles from the San Francisco Chronicle were analyzed. Of particular interest was assessing the prevalence of individualistic framing, constructions of dependency, and the problems Care Not Cash was presented as solving. Our analysis found that homelessness was framed as a threat to businesses, tourism, and residents of San Francisco and welfare as enabling deviant behavior (e.g., substance abuse) among people experiencing homelessness. Similar to federal welfare reform, Care Not Cash was portrayed as a compassionate solution that would both solve the problem of homelessness and address problematic behaviors associated with people who are unhoused (Stryker & Wald, 2009). Implications for economic justice are discussed. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.

--- - |2 Abstract In the wake of the 2016 election, which surprised pundits and voters on both the left and the right, there has been renewed interest in understanding what predicts American voters’ choices. In this article, we investigate the roles of personality and issue importance in how people voted in the 2016 U.S. election. In this longitudinal study of 403 MTurk workers who voted in the election, we assessed the relations between personality (openness, social dominance orientation, and national identity importance) and issue importance (group rights and social justice, economic rights, and individual and national rights), and voting for Clinton or Trump. Our results indicate that both individual differences and issue importance as measured in July 2016 predicted votes in November. We also found that the links between personality and voting were mediated by issue importance. Implications for political psychology and the study of personality, campaign issues, and voting behavior are discussed. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.

--- - |2 Abstract The aim of the study was to investigate levels of posttraumatic stress due to the recent economic crisis in a Greek community sample and identify particularly vulnerable demographic groups. A sample of 1,208 residents of a western Athens borough completed the Impact of Events Scale—Revised. According to the findings, almost 60% of respondents reported severe and 28% moderate symptoms. Individuals in employment presented similar levels as the unemployed, while caring for dependants, having lower educational attainment, and being female and older were associated with greater posttraumatic stress. The present findings suggest a high prevalence of posttraumatic stress in a community sample, indicating that policymakers in Greece, Europe, and worldwide need to take very seriously the growing evidence for the detrimental effects of austerity politics on both individual and collective well‐being. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.

--- - |2 Abstract Donald Trump's 2017 inaugural address was scored with a content analysis measure of implicit motives. The results show that compared to other 20th and 21st century U.S. presidents, he scores very high in achievement and power motive imagery, but only about average in affiliation imagery. Based on previous research on presidents’ motive imagery, this profile suggests some predictions about the Trump presidency and possible problems for it. In political leaders, high achievement motivation often leads to frustration with the political process. Power motivation, while associated with rated greatness, is related to polarization of public opinion and war. The effects of motives are further channel by temperament and traits—in Trump's case, high extraversion and low agreeableness. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.

--- - |2 Abstract When judging a voter's decision, does that voter's reason for casting their vote influence moral and interpersonal judgments about them? In the context of the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election, past research suggests two competing predictions. First, people regularly account for an actor's intentions when forming judgments of the actor, indicating that judgments may vary according to a voter's motives. However, people are unlikely to see nuance among outgroups, especially amid divisive political partisanship, suggesting that judgments would ignore information about voters’ motives. In Study 1, results supported the first prediction, showing that both Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump supporters distinguished between different voting motives when making moral and interpersonal judgments of outgroup voters. In Studies 2 and 3, when some voters’ motives became more extreme, Clinton and Trump supporters again distinguished between voting motives for outgroup and ingroup voters, respectively, albeit in a different pattern of results. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.

--- - |2 Abstract Hillary Clinton was the first woman nominated for President by a major political party in the United States. Like most women in politics, she faced negative evaluations, in part, due to the inconsistency between the traits typically associated with leaders (competence) versus women (warmth). Because understanding the categorization of an individual female politician is essential to the development of successful bias interventions, we examined the extent to which Hillary Clinton and a novel female politician were categorized as women versus female politicians. In three studies we investigated how the warmth and competence stereotypes associated with women and female politicians contributed to the warmth and competence traits associated with Hillary Clinton and a novel female political candidate. Consistent with a subtyping account, the warmth and competence stereotypes associated with female politicians, but not women, predicted Hillary Clinton's warmth and competence traits (Studies 1–3). However, consistent with a subgrouping account, the warmth and competence stereotypes associated with both women and female politicians predicted a novel female politician's warmth and competence traits (Study 3). Implications for bias reduction interventions are discussed. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.

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--- - |2 Abstract Are female politicians disadvantaged by adverse economic conditions in ways their male counterparts are not? To examine this issue, we had participants read a news article about the current economic situation. The article emphasized either economic stability or volatility. Afterward, they evaluated an advertisement for either a female or a male candidate for the U.S. Senate. Exposure to news depicting economic instability caused devaluation of the female but not the male candidate. A second study provided a direct replication of this finding with a larger sample.  An omnibus analysis (N = 535) showed that this devaluation pattern occurred primarily among male participants. Study 2 also examined whether gender stereotypes play a role in this process.  Indeed, men's confidence in the female candidate's ability to handle stereotypically masculine issues decreased under economic instability and this tendency mediated their devaluation of the female candidate. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.

--- - |2 Abstract The 2016 U.S. Presidential Election provided a unique opportunity to examine how ageism and sexism may impact attitudes (perceived presidential qualities and endorsement of positive and negative age stereotypes) toward Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump. Community participants (N = 875) indicated their attitudes and voting intentions 3 weeks before the election. Endorsement of positive and negative age stereotypes and perceived presidential qualities for Clinton and Trump varied based on participants’ attitudes toward women, political stance (conservative/liberal), and demographic characteristics (racial/ethnic identification, education, gender identification). Individuals who perceived sexism to be more prevalent and perceived women as more competent in general had more positive attitudes toward Clinton, in contrast, only perceptions of lower prevalence of sexism (and not competence of women) predicted attitudes toward Trump. Individuals who perceived sexism as less prevalent viewed Clinton as less presidential and endorsed stronger negative age stereotypes for Clinton, while they viewed Trump as more presidential and endorsed stronger positive and weaker negative age stereotypes for Trump. Our findings suggest that both ageism and sexism present barriers for qualified women when pursuing positions of power. Implications for future research are discussed. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.

--- - |2 Abstract The present study investigated preference for linguistically biased characterization of events attributed to Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump during the 2016 Presidential election cycle. The linguistic intergroup bias (LIB) reflects abstract characterization of positive events attributed to ingroup members and negative events attributed to outgroup members; conversely, it also reflects concrete characterization of negative events attributed to outgroup members and positive events attributed to outgroup members. University students (N = 117) who preferred Hillary Clinton completed on‐line measures before and after the 2016 Presidential election, including liberal‐conservative ideology and measures of LIB. Participants showed clear preference for characterizations consistent with LIB (e.g., Clinton is intelligent; Trump is quick‐tempered). This pattern was more pronounced as strength of liberal ideology increased; it also was more pronounced immediately following the election than after time had passed. A smaller sample of Trump supporters also showed LIB favoring Trump. This study is the first to demonstrate that members of the electorate gravitate towards linguistic characterizations that favor their preferred political candidates and that this tendency is exacerbated by a relevant individual difference. Findings have implications for the continued polarization of the American electorate. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.

--- - |2 Abstract White women's general failure to vote for Hillary Clinton in the 2016 United States presidential election (only 43% of White women did so) was largely unexpected. We tested the hypothesis that White women's gender‐related attitudes and beliefs, including their (i) feminist identification, (ii) views of societal gender discrimination, (iii) personal experiences with gender discrimination, and (iv) beliefs about female role models, were related to their levels of support for Hillary Clinton and her opponents (Sanders, Trump). A sample of White women (N = 314; 18–75 years, M = 32.71, SD = 13.37) recruited during June and July of 2016 from MTurk and college campuses completed surveys of their gender‐related attitudes and beliefs, as well as political preferences. Results indicated that women's gender‐related attitudes and beliefs predicted their views of both Clinton and Trump, after accounting for political ideology. For example, feminist identification was positively related to support for Clinton. Additionally, stronger endorsement of the notion that societal gender discrimination persists in the United States predicted both more favorable ratings of Clinton and less favorable ratings of Trump. More frequent personal experiences with discrimination, in contrast, predicted weaker support for Clinton. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.

--- - |2 Abstract Social psychological models of group identity and collective action should be particularly adept at providing psychological explanations for growing rates of populism in the Western World. Because populism tends to arise in times of societal shifts that reflect both economic and cultural changes, populist attitudes are likely grounded in perceptions of intergroup relations and collective attitudes. We surveyed 95 demonstrators at the 2016 Republican National Convention and 108 demonstrators at the Democratic National Convention. Results support the idea that relative anger prototypicality, in this case, the extent to which people believe that their own anger toward politicians is representative of most Americans’ anger, predicts feelings of group‐based relative deprivation. Importantly, these feelings of deprivation mediate the relationship between prototypical anger and populist attitudes. These findings provide a unique picture of current political engagement, motivated by feelings of shared anger and collective feelings of lacking representation and voice. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, EarlyView.

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--- - |2 Abstract A defining feature of American politics, including party identification, is the question of the proper role of government. Partisanship is a prevailing way that individuals organize their attitudes. Democrats should take the Democratic Party's positions, and Republicans should take the Republican Party's positions. Instead, people have conflicting considerations that shape their opinions. Given that gender is integral in structuring individuals’ positions in society, it is reasonable to expect that gender differences might produce intraparty differences. This article establishes a gender gap in scope of government that transcends partisanship. Using the cumulative American National Election Study Data 1994–2008, I find strong evidence that for a number of issue areas, women are more supportive of an activist government than men of the same party. Preferences regarding the scope of government provide a coherent explanation for these observed gaps. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, Volume 17, Issue 1, Page 379-405, December 2017.

--- - |2 Abstract Numerous recent encounters between police officers and Black citizens have resulted in the deaths of African American men and have drawn renewed public scrutiny of police practices. We examine the public's attributions about these encounters. Does the public perceive violent confrontations between police officers and Black citizens as a result of broader problems in police practices or simply as isolated incidents? We employ attribution theory and social identity theory to understand how social and political identities influence beliefs about police use of force against African Americans. We argue that racial and political identities predispose individuals to believe certain attributional perspectives over others. We test several hypotheses using individual level survey data from two national surveys. Our findings suggest that racial and political identities strongly shape attributions, and these patterns have implications for public trust in government institutions and the ability of police to operate effectively. We conclude with recommendations for police and policymakers. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, Volume 17, Issue 1, Page 358-378, December 2017.

--- - |2 Abstract Support for presidential candidate Donald Trump increased in the aftermath of the 2015 terrorist attacks in Paris, France, and San Bernardino, California, similar to Americans’ greater enthusiasm for President George W. Bush after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the Pentagon and World Trade Center. According to terror management theory (Greenberg, Pyszczynski, & Solomon; Solomon, Greenberg, & Pyszczynski), people are prone to embrace charismatic politicians in times of historical upheaval to mitigate existential terror. Consistent with this view, previous research has demonstrated that reminders of death (relative to an aversive control condition) increased support for a charismatic leader in a hypothetical gubernatorial election, and support for President Bush and his policies in Iraq prior to the 2004 presidential election. The present Study 1 hypothesized and found that a death reminder increased support for Donald Trump. Study 2 found that while Hillary Clinton was viewed more favorably than Donald Trump in an aversive control condition, Mr. Trump was viewed more favorably in response to a death reminder while impressions of Mrs. Clinton were unaffected. Study 3 demonstrated that asking people to think about immigrants moving into their neighborhood increased the accessibility of implicit death thoughts. These findings suggest that electoral outcomes and public policy can be affected when existential concerns are aroused. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, Volume 17, Issue 1, Page 339-357, December 2017.

--- - |2 Abstract To inform current public policy regarding suicide prevention, this study examined the longitudinal relationships between four resources (public insurance, primary care services, school‐based mental health treatment, and family support) and depression and suicidality in a nationally representative sample of suicidal adolescents (n = 1,355). Longitudinal regression analyses were conducted using data from three waves of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health (Add Health). Parental support at Wave I was predictive of lower levels of depression across all three waves, but not significantly associated with the suicide‐specific outcomes. While type of insurance was not significantly associated with any of the outcomes, receipt of public assistance was associated with a higher likelihood of suicidal ideation and higher levels of depression at all three waves. Neither receipt of a routine physical nor access to school‐based mental health treatment were associated with any of the outcomes. Intervention points for future policy that are discussed include the following: integrating family interventions into current screening and referral protocols, targeted screening and outreach for those youth and young adults receiving public assistance, the inclusion of integrated behavioral health in primary care settings, and the inclusion of suicide‐specific evidence‐based treatments in the school setting. - Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy, Volume 17, Issue 1, Page 319-338, December 2017.

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Many people believe that the abortion debate will end when at some point in the future it will be possible for fetuses to develop outside the womb. Ectogenesis, as this technology is called, would make possible to reconcile pro‐life and pro‐choice positions. That is because it is commonly believed that there is no right to the death of the fetus if it can be detached alive and gestated in an artificial womb. Recently Eric Mathison and Jeremy Davis defended this position, by arguing against three common arguments for a right to the death of the fetus. I claim that their arguments are mistaken. I argue that there is a right to the death of the fetus because gestating a fetus in an artificial womb when genetic parents refuse it violates their rights not to become a biological parent, their rights to genetic privacy and their property rights. The right to the death of the fetus, however, is not a woman's right but genetic parents’ collective right which only can be used together.

Literature examining WTO+ commitments in services trade agreements (STAs) has not considered the role of services regulation. We bridge this gap using a sample of 15 South/South‐East Asian countries, given the burgeoning trend of Asian economies towards services preferentialism and the largely WTO+ nature of their preferential services commitments. Our empirical findings suggest that Asian trading dyads with regulatory frameworks that are more similar and more trade restrictive tend to undertake higher levels of WTO+ commitments in their STAs. There is also evidence in our results, including by modes of supply, for WTO+ commitments in Asian STAs being driven by goods trade complementarities, alluding to supply chain dynamics in the region. Such results support the hypothesis that the heightened “servicification” of production generates a demand to lower services input costs arising from regulatory incidence and heterogeneity.

In this paper, we show theoretically and empirically that the US quantitative easing (QE) policy results in lower exchange rate pass‐through into the destination prices of Chinese exporters. In addition, the more the exchange rate in the export destination appreciates than the Chinese yuan, the stronger this effect becomes. Our model combines various marginal effects of QE policy on the destinations of Chinese exporters and variable markups of export firms due to strategic complementarities. The model predicts that the impact of US QE policy on the pass‐through of Chinese exporters depends on its spillover on the exchange rate between China and the export destination of different firms. We provide strong support for the model predictions using Chinese firm‐product‐level data with information on export destinations. The baseline result and the heterogeneity we find in the response of exchange rate pass‐through of Chinese exporters to US QE policy remain robust to alternative measures of samples and controls.

There is no abstract available for this paper.

This study investigates whether the European Union's funding of civil society organizations (CSOs) can foster equal access to existing channels of participation. This is analyzed by using data from 7,889 CSOs that are registered in the EU Transparency Register. Two criteria should be met for funding to combat inequalities among CSOs: the funding must support underrepresented interests, and it must increase their participation in the policy process. The results of a logistic regression analysis show that the Commission's funding scheme does support underrepresented interests but makes participation more unequal by also supporting already overrepresented groups. Furthermore, the analysis shows that the probability of a CSO having access to formal channels of participation significantly increases if it has received funding. The conclusion is that funding could be used more efficiently if the Commission were to consistently support underrepresented interests.

Using quarterly data from 1995 until 2014, we investigate whether Euro Area (EA) membership influences the probability of a European Union Member State going through an episode of sudden stop or through an episode of bonanza, after controlling for a number of push and pull factors. Overall, our results do not support the claim that EA membership constituted a weakness during the recent financial crisis. On the contrary, we find that EA membership decreases the probability of a sudden stop, all else equal. We find no evidence that being part of the EA has a direct effect on the probability of bonanza. When allowing for interaction effects, our results suggest that EA membership might have mitigated the risk perception arising from higher government debt in the case of bonanzas.

This study investigates the sourcing patterns of Japanese export‐platform foreign affiliates in Mexico, which mainly export to the United States and Canada. We propose a novel approach to estimate intermediate input elasticities of exports by sourcing country. We find that, on average, Japanese export‐platform foreign affiliates in Mexico source intermediate inputs from third countries, including the United States and Canada, rather than from Japan and Mexico, suggesting that Japanese export‐platform foreign affiliates in Mexico are mainly integrated into the vertical production networks back and forth between Mexico, the United States and Canada. In turn, Japanese foreign affiliates selling domestically in Mexico source intermediate inputs not only within the North American Free Trade Agreement countries but also from Japan. In addition, we find that export‐platform foreign affiliates in Mexico use more labour‐intensive production than do foreign affiliates selling domestically in Mexico. This suggests that saving labour costs is one of the motives for export‐platform foreign direct investment in Mexico.

The asylum system faces problems on two fronts. States undermine it with populist politics, and migrants use it to satisfy their migration preferences. To address these problems, asylum services should be commodified. States should be able to pay other states to provide determination and protection‐elsewhere. In this article, I aim to identify a way of implementing this idea that is both feasible and desirable. First, I sketch a policy proposal for a commodification of asylum services. Then, I argue that this policy proposal is not only compatible with the right to asylum, but also supported by moral considerations. Despite some undesirable moral features, a market in asylum facilitates the provision of asylum to those who need it.

In this article, I ask whether a principle analogous to the principle of clinical equipoise should govern the design and conduct of RCTs evaluating the effectiveness of policy interventions. I answer this question affirmatively, and introduce and defend the principle of policy equipoise. According to this principle, all arms of a policy RCT must be, at minimum, in a state of equipoise with the best proven policy that is also morally and practically attainable and sustainable. For all arms of a policy RCT, policy experts must either (1) reasonably disagree about whether the trial arms are more effective than this policy, or (2) know that they are.

This article starts with discussing principles for a globally just system of refugee protection to which states contribute either by admitting refugees for resettlement or by supporting refugee integration in other states. Such a system requires relatively strong assurances of compliance by the states involved, which are absent in the international arena. In the European Union, however, the Member States form a predetermined set with prior commitments and supranational institutions that facilitate effective burden sharing. The article traces the failure of the EU's relocation scheme to meet this expectation to misconceptions how to determine fair shares, to incomplete prior harmonization of normative standards, and to contradictions between the Dublin Regulation's principle of assigning responsibility to first countries of entry, on the one hand, and the Schengen principle of open internal borders, on the other hand.

This article analyzes how Member States have used the opportunities and avoided the constraints of the EU's multilevel governance architecture to return unwanted migrants. Drawing on sociological approaches to the EU and a broad understanding of return policies, we investigate the ways in which the northern Member States, notably Germany and Austria, have increasingly relied upon the EU's operational and financial resources to achieve their goal of pursuing a bold return policy. A key ‘usage’ of Europe has been the pooling of political and financial power to externalize and informalize its return policy. At the same time, the northern Member States' deliberate – yet widely under‐researched – ‘non‐use’ of Europe, such as using and maximizing national leeway, has been an equally important strategy to reduce migratory pressure and achieve higher return rates.

Crowdsourcing has attracted increasing attention as a means to enlist online participants in organisational activities. In this paper, we examine crowdsourcing from the perspective of its ethical use in the support of open innovation taking a broader system view of its use. Crowdsourcing has the potential to improve access to knowledge, skills, and creativity in a cost‐effective manner but raises a number of ethical dilemmas. The paper discusses the ethical issues related to knowledge exchange, economics, and relational aspects of crowdsourcing. A guiding framework drawn from the ethics literature is proposed to guide the ethical use of crowdsourcing. A major problem is that crowdsourcing is viewed in a piecemeal fashion and separate from other organisational processes. The trend for organisations to be more digitally collaborative is explored in relation to the need for greater awareness of crowdsourcing implications.

Given the comprehensive influence of mindfulness on human thought and behavior, and the importance of moral reasoning in business decisions, we examine the role of mindfulness as an antecedent to moral reasoning through two studies. In Study 1, we propose and test a theoretically derived model that links mindfulness and moral reasoning, mediated by compassion and egocentric bias using a survey design. In Study 2, we examine whether mindfulness training enhances moral reasoning using an experimental design with graduate students of business management. The findings of Study 1 substantiate the positive association of mindfulness with moral reasoning. We found that this relationship is fully mediated by compassion and egocentric bias. The results of Study 2 suggest that mindfulness meditation training has a positive impact on individuals' states of mindfulness, compassion, and moral reasoning, and decreases egocentric bias. We relate the findings of the study with contemporary neurological research and discuss the theoretical, pedagogical, and managerial implications.

The Trans‐Pacific Partnership (TPP) trade agreement, if were it to be successfully implemented, would be one of the largest regional agreements ever seen. It is the only exemplar to date of a “mega‐regional” FTA for which negotiations have been successfully concluded, and a landmark in evolving approaches to Asia–Pacific integration. As such, quantitative assessments of its potential effects are of considerable interest. One of the most widely used techniques for evaluating the economic impact of regional trading agreements is numerical simulation with computable general equilibrium, or CGE, models. There have now been a large number of papers written that use CGE methods to analyse the potential economic impact of the TPP agreement under varying theoretical and policy assumptions. In this paper we provide a synthesis of the key results that have emerged from the literature, and introduce some new simulation results of our own to anchor the discussion.

This article examines the role of non‐financial interest groups in EU financial regulatory decision‐making. While regulatory capture theories clearly helped identify the causes for the incrementality in spite of the major shock the 2008 crisis had caused, this article will consider a range of regulatory policy initiatives that do not neatly conform with this theory. I examine the extent to which non‐financial groups are able to have their preferences met in the making of three different consumer policies: the Mortgage Credit Directive (MCD), stricter regulations of retail investment products (PRIPs/KID) and the reform of EU level supervisory structures. By employing a process‐tracing approach based on qualitative interviews to analyze political responses to the 2008 financial crisis, the article demonstrates that newly mobilized groups could translate key advocacy goals into policy by deploying counter‐expertise and co‐operating with policy‐makers in some cases but not in others.

First embodied by the European Supervisory Authorities in 2010, agency governance in the financial sector has gained momentum with the creation of the Single Resolution Board (SRB) – an EU agency with considerable competencies in banking prudential policy. Within a short period, backed by the ‘ESMA‐Short Selling case’ judgment, agencies have progressed from supporting the European Commission with their quasi‐rule making, to a more prominent role in the decision‐making process, potentially influencing policy‐makers' agenda. By engaging in a qualitative analysis of legal documents, official texts and relevant scholarship, this research note examines the formal framework and practical aspects of SRB's governance, in order to substantiate whether its establishment presents a ‘qualitative increase’ in financial sector agencification. At the same time, the research note highlights problematic issues arising because of the limitations set by the Meroni doctrine arguing that the Board's wide powers ‘on paper’ may prove challenging to implement in practice.

Does corruption influence trust in national institutions in the same way as trust in international institutions? Did this influence change over the economic crisis 2008? Using data from the European Social Survey, we examined the association between corruption and trust in national and European parliaments before and after the start of the Great Recession 2008. We found that over the Crisis, the effect of corruption on trust in national parliament became more negative than it was before 2008. We also discovered a positive association between corruption and trust in the EU before the Crisis. That is, states with a higher level of national corruption seem to have more trust in international institutions, such as the EU. However, this relationship disappears after 2008. Our findings contribute to the debates on the impact of corruption on trust in national and international institutions, and on the consequences of the Great Recession.

Whereas most research focuses on non‐compliant implementation, we lack understanding of implementers' incentives and abilities to outperform national legislation. This study investigates a largely under‐researched question: to what extent practical implementation exceeds levels of legislative compliance with EU requirements? To explain this phenomenon, we focus on the responsiveness of implementing actors to external (participation in transnational networks) and domestic pressures (national societal attitudes) for compliance with EU requirements and the availability of additional expertise at the implementation stage (bottom‐up). Moreover, implementing actors are unlikely to respond in the same way to different types of national legislative problems (top‐down). The findings suggest that implementers often outperform the transposition of EU laws. Practical outperformance depends on the level of societal support for external policies and is a response to incomplete or ambiguous domestic formal rules.

Sociologists of science emphasize the crucial role of the day‐to‐day practices of scholars in defining academic disciplines and epistemological schools. Taking the case of EU Studies (EUS), this article examines the key practice of normative writing. I analyze the degree to which 70 highly‐cited journal articles of political science writing in EUS explicitly or implicitly suggest that European integration or its institutions or policies are bad or good, flourishing or declining. I use this discourse analysis, plus biographical data on the authors of texts, to explain a major temporal pattern. Degrees of normativity in EUS articles progressively declined from the 1970s until the millennium, but then subsequently recovered. Factors ‘external’ to scholarship, such as the progressive intensification of European integration and crises faced by the EU help explain this pattern. However they interacted in complex ways with ‘internal’ academic factors, such as generational replacement, ‘mainstreaming’ and rivalries between sub‐disciplinary and theoretical camps.

There is a growing phenomenon of brand advocacy, where brands pressure a producer country government to take pro‐worker actions such as respecting the rights of activists and raising minimum wages. This article examines the potential and limits of brand advocacy by developing a conceptual framework and analysing three recent cases of brand advocacy in Cambodia's garment industry. The study shows that brands' action and influence are shaped by issue salience, mobilization structures, political opportunities/contexts, and resource dependency. This article makes both empirical and theoretical contributions. This is one of the first studies delving into the advocacy role of brands in promoting labour rights and conditions vis‐à‐vis government. Moreover, the article develops a testable framework specifying the conditions under which brands are likely to respond, act collectively, and influence government for pro‐worker change. It also offers novel insights by applying social movement lenses and casting brands as social movement actors.

The paper investigates the spatial interdependence of US MNE investments in the MENA region. Given the variations in resource endowments, governance structures and degree of infrastructure availability in MENA countries, one would expect these variables to affect an MNE's choice of FDI location. We do find that domestic non‐spatial factors such as own country inflation and governance measured by bureaucratic quality as well as infrastructure affect a host country's inward FDI. We also found that only one measure of natural resource endowment; that is, oil and gas exports were instrumental in attracting FDI. This non‐spatial result is generally robust and invariant to the two methodologies employed in this study, that is the spatially autoregressive (SAR) model and the spatial Durbin model (SDM). We found that neighbouring countries’ infrastructure availability measured either by “electricity used” or “energy used” affected FDI inflows in a host country. However, this spatial impact was found only in the SDM model. The spatial effects of neighbouring countries’ economic and political conditions and resource endowments were, however, not observed on a host country's inward FDI. The insignificance of both the surrounding market potential and the spatially weighted FDI suggests a purely horizontal motive of MNE investments in the MENA region.

This paper examines the relationship between China's exports, export tax rebates and exchange rate policy. It offers an explanation for why China's exports continued to rise under RMB real appreciations during the Asian financial crisis. Based on a traditional export demand model, we test our hypothesis that the counteracting effects of China's export tax rebate policy have diminished the effectiveness of real exchange rates in facilitating the resolution of trade imbalances under the current pegged exchange rate regime. We find evidence that RMB real appreciations during the crisis negatively affected China's exports, but the negative effects were mitigated by the positive effects of export tax rebates. We also find evidence of a long‐run relationship between China's exports and the other explanatory variables. The empirical evidence suggests that under the pegged exchange rate regime with limited adjustments, real exchange rate movements alone cannot resolve China's external imbalances. The policy implication of this study is that China needs to redirect its decades‐long export‐oriented development strategy to one that emphasises domestic demand‐oriented development and to replace the current pegged exchange rate regime with a market‐oriented more flexible exchange rate regime.