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["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 35, Issue 2, Page 264-282, June 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThis essay explores the insurgent practices of members of the Volunteers in Service to America (VISTA) program from 1965–1973. VISTA is situated historically in relation to New Left community organizing projects and the War on Poverty. Testimonials of VISTA workers demonstrate that many developed political perspectives critical of the “war” in which they had enlisted. Records of collective mobilization chart how VISTA workers attempted to form a labor union and bring the program under community control. Their largest organization, the National VISTA Alliance, represented a form of social justice unionism ante litteram within and against the U.S. state.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 35, Issue 2, Page 222-249, June 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article compares the social backgrounds of Nazi leaders and representatives of democratic parties in the Weimar Republic. It does not advance any overarching new narrative on Nazism’s social origins, but rather aims to present a nuanced statistical picture of Weimar’s political elites. The results of this analysis are derived from an index of German members of parliament and from a new dataset, which has recently been collected from the Neue Deutsche Biographie (NDB), Germany’s largest biographical encyclopaedia. Together, these two samples cover more than 2000 German politicians, industrialists, diplomats, political writers, academics, high state officials, and important journalists. This article reveals sociological differences between the politicians who led the Nazi party in parliament and those elites that promoted Nazism in the media, in academia, or within the German civil service. While Nazi politicians in the Reichstag were recruited from a variety of social classes, ranging from industrial workers to members of the aristocracy, National Socialist elites outside the parliament typically belonged to the Bildungsbürgertum and sociologically resembled the highly educated members of democratic and liberal parties. Overall, the picture of a generation of Nazi leaders emerges that was sociologically far more heterogeneous than is often recognized by historians.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 35, Issue 2, Page 250-263, June 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThe critique of the theory of secularisation has favoured the emergence of a series of concepts for the analysis of contemporary socio‐religious transformations, such as ‘culturalised religion’. These categories constitute, in turn, an opportunity to rethink the process of secularisation from the perspective of historical sociology. Against this background, this article carries out a theoretical analysis of the ambiguities of secularisation in Spain from which a cultural approach to religion (‘culturalised religion’) emerges and its potential connection to the expansion of the radical right‐wing party Vox, which became the third‐largest party in Spain's parliament in the 2019 national election. After analyzing this interrelation between ‘culturalised religion’ and the radical right on the basis of statistical sources, discourse analysis and bibliographical sources, the article concludes by stressing the importance of historical sociology for understanding phenomena like ‘culturalised religion’, which take us out of the binomial logic that has marked part of the interpretation of secularisation (revival of religions vs decline of the religious) and introduce us into the multiple interactions between the historical past and sociological reality.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 35, Issue 2, Page 283-297, June 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nEncountering the unprecedented social crisis of COVID‐19, an increasing number of sociologists are calling for historical sociology to engage empirically with the dynamics of the COVID‐19 crisis. I present the “path dependence method” and the “temporal connections” to interpret social life during the COVID‐19 pandemic. By using the path dependence method, I show how the personal, social, and national problems created by the COVID‐19 crisis initiate a new path and furthermore how this newly created path is justified in a society. Through the temporal connections, I will show how non‐Western countries responded more reasonably and quickly than most Western countries to the COVID‐19 crisis. The overall aim of this research is to disclose effectiveness of historical sociology, to encourage researchers to think time variable, and to argue that linking historical‐sociological knowledge to the COVID‐19 crisis would be a positive step for an in‐depth COVID‐19 sociology.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 35, Issue 2, Page 170-199, June 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nWhat role did migration play in the making of modern Britain? We now have a good sense of how ethnicity, class, religion and gender structured immigrants' experience and what impact they had on Britain's culture, society and economy. But as Nancy Green pointed out almost two decades ago, scholars of migration must focus on exit as well as entry. Such a call to study ‘the politics of exit’ is especially apposite in the case of the UK. For in every decade between 1850 and 1980 (with the exception of the 1930s), the UK experienced net emigration year on year. This article analyses this outflow of migrants to reveal a new vision of the UK as an ‘emigration state’. The article employs this concept to make a new argument about the formation of migration policy in the UK and offers a revised account of the geographical boundaries of the modern British state.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 35, Issue 2, Page 154-169, June 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThis paper draws on archival research and theoretical work to articulate the specific histories, processes, and structures of primitive accumulation in British Columbia. Such processes of accumulation appear differently here than in the comparably more well‐theorized contexts of imperial colonialisms. As we highlight the agents and infrastructures of dispossession, our research also aims to foreground the importance of agents and infrastructures of resistance. Different dispossessions generate different antagonisms, and we argue that Indigenous subjects are situated antagonistically to capital not only as laborers partially or wholly subsumed into capitalist social relations, but as Indigenous peoples as such, whose Indigeneity has been ‘in the way’ of development from the 1850s onward. Private property requires before all else the deterritorialization of those whose relations with the land do not revolve around its commodification. Violence against Indigenous nations, and especially Indigenous women, is not incidental to capitalist development but is a prerequisite to capitalist subsumption in the settler‐colonial context. In requiring the death of either Indigeneity or the person, capital constitutes Indigenous struggle as an antagonist, interrupting both the subsumption of labor and the circulation of capital (even as such struggles may also self‐constitute themselves in a variety of ways).\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 35, Issue 2, Page 200-221, June 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nWe revisit the transition debate to capitalism through the historical case of nineteenth century Egypt and the theoretical lens of uneven and combined development. We argue that the twin concepts of formal and real subsumption of labor under capital offer a necessary methodological device to study capitalist transitions. We conclude that nineteenth century Egypt was not a society experiencing an ‘indigenous’ transition to capitalism that was blocked by colonial intervention. Instead, colonialism warped the ongoing formation of a commercial‐absolutist state, which led to a combination of feudal and capitalist social forms that lingered well into the middle of the twentieth century. Through a long‐term historical analysis of the Egyptian social formation as a complex ensemble of political power relations and ongoing cycles of articulations of multiple mode of productions we problematize the dominant ‘modernization’ thesis. The modernization paradigm presupposes that economic growth will take place due to globalized markets, transforming, in turn, existing social and political practices and institutions along modern lines. This idea has been reiterated by neoclassical and neo‐institutionalist economists who understand economic backwardness as a simple lack of market‐efficient behavior of local economic agents. As such, we also emphasize that the gradual integration of the Egyptian social formation into the capitalist world market did not automatically lead to the establishment of a dominant capitalist mode of production within this formation.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 35, Issue 1, Page 37-54, March 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nAcademic dependency theory argues that scholars of developing countries uncritically imitate Western academia. Anglophone Vietnamese studies presents a puzzle: many scholars, particularly historians, follow the research frameworks developed in Vietnam and emphasize Vietnam's agency since the field emerged in the 1960s. To explain, this essay conducts content and citation analyses of 25 key texts on history of Vietnam. The findings show that they are influenced by Vietnamese official historiography in the following ways. First, they adopt Vietnam's “nation to nation” framework and essentialize China into a Confucian Other in dealing with the asymmetrical dimension between the two societies. Second, while their works utilize sources in Literary Sinitic, they seem to rely on modern Vietnamese translations and reinterpretations rather than on original primary sources. Third, the scholars are more attentive to Chinese authors' ethnocentrism than to their Vietnamese counterparts, even though ethnocentrism is inherent in both. By following Vietnam's nationalistic historiography and emphasizing Vietnam's agency, Anglophone scholars are wittingly or unwittingly involved in the power struggles between the United States and China, a current hegemon and a historical one that has been rising rapidly in the twenty‐first century.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 35, Issue 1, Page 83-106, March 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article is intended to rethink a symbiotic but otherwise inadequately attended relationship between postcolonial studies and Chinese academia at a time when the rise of China evokes epistemic, ontological and empirical challenges for critical reflection. Above all, I argue that China is situated in her postcolonial conditions in such a way that these conditions largely define China's multi‐faceted positioning as colonial agent, (semi‐)colonial victim, recipient of colonialist ideology, overthrower of that ideology and its accompanying world‐system, and contender for the “top place” within such a world‐system. Postcolonial theory hence becomes relevant and productive in terms of its potential to problematize various puzzles, contradictions and tensions during China's rise like widespread disregard of basic civic values, political partisanship in scholarship, aggravation of the East‐West divide and rising Chinese exceptionalism. Additionally, however, this article also pinpoints the need to transform and reshape the oftentimes Eurocentric inclination in postcolonial studies through an incorporation of the revolutionary and post‐revolutionary experiences in China and elsewhere. Doing so therefore calls for a post‐revolutionary paradigm as proposed by Wang Hui, among others. I thus advocate cross‐fertilization, rather than mutual exclusion, not only between the postcolonial and post‐revolutionary paradigms but also between postcolonial studies and Chinese scholarship/academia.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 35, Issue 1, Page 24-36, March 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nSince it was framed 20 years ago, Syed Farid Alatas's theory of academic dependence has made a long‐lasting impact within the global social science field, and has elevated the previous discussion on academic dependence. In this essay, we critically examine his theory of academic dependence with an original dataset that contains 22 top sociology institutions in East Asia, including China, Japan, South Korea, Singapore, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. We further engage the data, and theory within the global higher education ranking system, a theme that had not yet emerged when he framed his theory of academic dependence. Our findings suggest that (1) higher rankings do not create job opportunities for locally trained PhDs; (2) emphasis on the number of publications is still prevalent; (3) adopting the standards set up by the ranking agency re‐enforces the existing global division of academic labor. Overall, sociology in these societies after 20 years is now more dependent, rather than autonomous from, the Western academic center.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 35, Issue 1, Page 55-68, March 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThe indigenization of sociology has been an issue of considerable controversy in China. Rather than taking a side in the debate itself, this article intends to make sense of different perspectives in the debate. Utilizing Bourdieu's field theory, it links a sociologist's view on indigenization with the sociologist's position within China's sociological field. This article traces the history of the indigenization debate in China and proposes a theoretical model based on Bourdieu's insight. It then analyzes how the different combinations of academic and political capital shape the different positions on indigenization and how such a debate can be viewed as a symbolic struggle in the intellectual field.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 35, Issue 1, Page 69-82, March 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nSince the late Qing dynasty, Chinese scholars have confronted the challenges of indigenisation: what are the limits of (Western) universalism, and how can social science, history, and anthropology become ‘Chinese’? This article deals with a series of Chinese ‘native anthropologies’, from Republican‐era outlines of ethnology and anthropology, to current anthropologies of history, urban experience, and immorality. Rather than an assessment of the merits and flaws of indigenisation in these debates, I analyse the social practices of attention management that decided which scholars and texts became influential, and which ones were ignored. These practices of attention management include the grammars, media, and institutions, within which interaction networks were established and scholarly communities formed. What held the attention of many fellow anthropologists was the aura of the local conveyed: a sense of incommensurability based on the unlikely identification of the anthropologist with the subject of study and with the intended reader. The aura of the local, I argue, appeared precisely when new grammars (such as empiricism and social theory), media (e.g. academic journals, books), and institutions (universities, government offices) made it increasingly difficult for anthropologists to construct shared understandings with the people they studied and the readers they wrote for.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 35, Issue 1, Page 107-108, March 2022. ", nil]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 35, Issue 1, Page 109-152, March 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nPreviously unpublished, “From the Body Politic to the National Interest” was presented at the Mellon Symposium in Historical Anthropology at California Institute of Technology in May 1987. We are publishing it in the Journal of Historical Sociology for the first time to honor Philip Corrigan's memory. The essay was an attempt to expand upon arguments in Philip Corrigan and Derek Sayer, The Great Arch: English State Formation as Cultural Revolution (1985) under two main rubrics: (1) “routines and rituals of rule” and (2) “regulated representations and the making of ‘the’ public.” In both cases we went beyond our treatment of these topics in The Great Arch, to which this paper should be seen as a supplement.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 35, Issue 1, Page 14-23, March 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nApproaches to the study of knowledge production on a global scale have drawn analogies from the study of political economy, namely, the theories of political economic imperialism and economic dependency, the notion of economic extractivism, and capitalism. Thus, we have the conceptualization of intellectual imperialism, academic dependency, academic extractivism and academic capitalism. This essay focuses on two of these phenomenon, that is, intellectual imperialism and academic dependency, suggesting that they refer to different, yet related, problems in global knowledge production. While intellectual imperialism is a crucial starting point for the understanding of knowledge production in the Third World/Periphery/South, it interacts with academic dependency to maintain the underdevelopment of academia in many communities worldwide.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 35, Issue 1, Page 2-13, March 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nAcademic dependency theory has attracted increasing attention in academia in the last two decades, especially during the last decade. Syed Farid Alatas, a Singapore‐Malaysia based sociologist, has contributed significantly to the popularization of the idea of academic dependency through theorizing and foregrounding the conditions of dependency in Western‐dominated knowledge production and the global division of academic labor. The growing importance of this idea as applied in Asian contexts is however inseparable from the reconfiguration of the world‐systems in which Asia and especially China have achieved great advancement economically and otherwise. In line with this transformation, we have seen an enhanced effort in Asia and the Global South towards decolonization and indigenization in educational and academic domains. We have therefore organized this special issue to engage critically with Alatas's theory and to rethink the status quo of dependency, decolonization and indigenization in Asia, particularly East Asia, in response to a new development in global and local higher education and research. To close our discussion, we call for an action‐based initiative to address and transform the circumstances of dependency and for more genuine global collaborations.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nApproaches to the study of knowledge production on a global scale have drawn analogies from the study of political economy, namely, the theories of political economic imperialism and economic dependency, the notion of economic extractivism, and capitalism. Thus, we have the conceptualization of intellectual imperialism, academic dependency, academic extractivism and academic capitalism. This essay focuses on two of these phenomenon, that is, intellectual imperialism and academic dependency, suggesting that they refer to different, yet related, problems in global knowledge production. While intellectual imperialism is a crucial starting point for the understanding of knowledge production in the Third World/Periphery/South, it interacts with academic dependency to maintain the underdevelopment of academia in many communities worldwide.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nSince it was framed 20 years ago, Syed Farid Alatas's theory of academic dependence has made a long‐lasting impact within the global social science field, and has elevated the previous discussion on academic dependence. In this essay, we critically examine his theory of academic dependence with an original dataset that contains 22 top sociology institutions in East Asia, including China, Japan, South Korea, Singapore, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. We further engage the data, and theory within the global higher education ranking system, a theme that had not yet emerged when he framed his theory of academic dependence. Our findings suggest that (1) higher rankings do not create job opportunities for locally trained PhDs; (2) emphasis on the number of publications is still prevalent; (3) adopting the standards set up by the ranking agency re‐enforces the existing global division of academic labor. Overall, sociology in these societies after 20 years is now more dependent, rather than autonomous from, the Western academic center.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article is intended to rethink a symbiotic but otherwise inadequately attended relationship between postcolonial studies and Chinese academia at a time when the rise of China evokes epistemic, ontological and empirical challenges for critical reflection. Above all, I argue that China is situated in her postcolonial conditions in such a way that these conditions largely define China's multi‐faceted positioning as colonial agent, (semi‐)colonial victim, recipient of colonialist ideology, overthrower of that ideology and its accompanying world‐system, and contender for the “top place” within such a world‐system. Postcolonial theory hence becomes relevant and productive in terms of its potential to problematize various puzzles, contradictions and tensions during China's rise like widespread disregard of basic civic values, political partisanship in scholarship, aggravation of the East‐West divide and rising Chinese exceptionalism. Additionally, however, this article also pinpoints the need to transform and reshape the oftentimes Eurocentric inclination in postcolonial studies through an incorporation of the revolutionary and post‐revolutionary experiences in China and elsewhere. Doing so therefore calls for a post‐revolutionary paradigm as proposed by Wang Hui, among others. I thus advocate cross‐fertilization, rather than mutual exclusion, not only between the postcolonial and post‐revolutionary paradigms but also between postcolonial studies and Chinese scholarship/academia.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nAcademic dependency theory has attracted increasing attention in academia in the last two decades, especially during the last decade. Syed Farid Alatas, a Singapore‐Malaysia based sociologist, has contributed significantly to the popularization of the idea of academic dependency through theorizing and foregrounding the conditions of dependency in Western‐dominated knowledge production and the global division of academic labor. The growing importance of this idea as applied in Asian contexts is however inseparable from the reconfiguration of the world‐systems in which Asia and especially China have achieved great advancement economically and otherwise. In line with this transformation, we have seen an enhanced effort in Asia and the Global South towards decolonization and indigenization in educational and academic domains. We have therefore organized this special issue to engage critically with Alatas's theory and to rethink the status quo of dependency, decolonization and indigenization in Asia, particularly East Asia, in response to a new development in global and local higher education and research. To close our discussion, we call for an action‐based initiative to address and transform the circumstances of dependency and for more genuine global collaborations.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 34, Issue 4, Page 587-603, December 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nStudies of Maoist China have suggested that workplace gender inequality was greater in rural areas than cities. One possible explanation is that this was a result of the different institutional arrangements that governed rural and urban spaces. Another alternative is that different ideologies were associated with different types of work irrespective of institutional context. This article examines this through an analysis of teachers in Guangdong and Jiangsu. Some teachers were employed by the state in the same way that urban workers were, while others were employed by village‐level administrations within communes. Levels of gender inequality were not majorly different between the two groups of teachers. In both groups there was a high degree of pay equality in comparison to other types of work. Other types of gender inequalities existed in teaching, but their effects were mitigated by the unintended consequences of structural changes in education during the Cultural Revolution.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 34, Issue 4, Page 573-586, December 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nFrom 1961‐1965, the Medical School of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem taught four cohorts of medical students from developing countries, mostly African. This article explores the program through the theory of hospitality. First, we find that hospitality is constructed and enabled by international interests. Second, those interests build a status which has unexpected consequences that reveal sorts of hosts, welcoming and xenophobic. Third, as an outcome of the international structure of student exchange, the guests' response to the terms of hospitality was mitigated by their privileged status as international medical students. On the one hand, they appreciated Israel as a model of post‐colonial state‐building; on the other, they criticized the racist reactions to their presence.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 34, Issue 4, Page 604-623, December 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nAuthoritarians are back: Demanding the restoration of community against formalized society and of tradition against the stranger; asking for strong states enforcing law and order, closing borders, preventing dark men from threatening white women; defending traditional family models against individualism and gender‐pluralism; claiming to represent “the people.” Today many denounce them as “Fascists!”. This article tries to conceptually capture the recent developments in two countries, France and Germany. In both cases, a diachronic comparison seems tempting. Are the '30s ahead of us? What is the extent and what is the impact of the fascist legacy today? The comparison in this article is based on Mann's book “Fascists” (2004). The paper argues that while the current far‐right cannot be considered fascist anymore and resembles interwar fascism only remotely, we have to consider it post‐fascist. If interwar fascism is largely explicable out of a context of multilevel crises to which it provided answers that many found convincing, I conclude that the current strength of the German and French far‐right does happen in a rather moderate crisis context to which it provides some answers.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 34, Issue 4, Page 640-651, December 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article seeks to re‐interpret the development of state‐owned enterprises (SOEs) in Turkey from 1923 to 1980. The article shows that the dominant strong state tradition (SST) literature, which interpreted the development of SOEs as an independent project of the state to maintain its control over society, had been unable to fully explain the development processes of SOEs because it treated the state as an external entity distinct from (and even opposing to) the social classes. Employing an alternative Poulantzian framework, the article argues that the development of SOEs in Turkey was driven by class‐industry interest and appeared as a precondition of the development of capitalism in Turkey. As such, relations between SOEs and the social classes were internal and complementary, rather than external and antagonistic. The SOEs were providing the bulk of industrial inputs and investment capital to the bourgeoisie fractions within the constitutive context of domestic capital accumulation strategies at the time (e.g. capitalist consolidation in 1930s, capitalist expansion in 1950s, capitalist expansion with duty losses in 1960s and 1970s). The SOEs were also benefiting the laboring and popular classes in terms of employment opportunities and higher wages.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 34, Issue 4, Page 624-639, December 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThe Storm Section (Sturmabteilung, or SA) was organized throughout the Weimar Republic as a paramilitary force entrusted with the ‘fight for the streets’ during the so‐called ‘time of struggle’ (Kampfzeit). To offset the potentially paralyzing effects of activism entailing risks of injury or death, the leaders of the movement devised and implemented an insurance system, which was retained throughout the following years. This insurance system smoothed the way for the most radical uncivility to hold sway without restriction during the final years of the Republic. Starting from late 1926, the National Socialist mechanism for overcoming the barriers to participation in violent activities that could potentially involve a high cost was to introduce an insurance system to facilitate their activists' willingness to ‘sacrifice’ themselves. The visceral anti‐Semitism of the Nazis was central to the negotiations and agreements reached with different insurers. The Nazis introduced an insurance policy for their activists that would cover them while carrying out their obligations as militants in the ‘fight’ against Social Democrats and, more often, Communists. By lowering the potential costs of participation in a high‐risk instance of activism, the insurance system contributed to stoking a ‘latent civil war’ in the German streets during the final years of the Republic. Relaying on archival and other primary sources and looking at them from a collective action perspective, this paper delves into the history of the SA insurance system, as well as on its functions.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 34, Issue 4, Page 665-687, December 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nHistorical sociologists have questioned the idea that nationalism and imperialism are mutually exclusive phenomena. In contrast to traditional historiography that depicted empires as ‘the prison houses of nations’ contemporary scholarship emphasises the structural and ideological ambiguities that characterised the 19th century European imperial projects. Hence instead of ‘popular longings’ for national independence the focus has shifted to the experiences of ‘national indifference’. In this paper I aim to go beyond this dichotomy by questioning the role of (nationalist) agency in the collapse of imperial order. Drawing on the primary archival research I zoom in on the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina under the Austro‐Hungarian rule (1878–1918). The paper contests the view that the imperial state was severely undermined by the presence of strong nationalisms. I also challenge the notion that the majority of Bosnian population remained ‘nationally indifferent’ during this period. Instead, I argue that understanding the character of the Austro‐Hungarian rule is a much better predictor of social change that took place in this period. Rather than stifling supposedly vibrant nationalisms or operating amidst widespread national indifference the imperial state played a decisive role in forging the nation‐centric world through its inadvertent homogenisation of discontent.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 34, Issue 4, Page 652-664, December 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nAfter World War II, Yugoslavia as a state was reconstituted by a small communist elite. Since this was an ideocratic rule, ideology was taken seriously by the elite and treated enthusiastically. One of the elite’s initial goals was to speedily develop Yugoslavia, so that a Western level of economic development be achieved. Economic disparities among regions were also to have been overcome. For various reasons, this objective was never close to being achieved, although in certain periods economic development was strong. The elite tried to speed up growth by various incentives, including worker self‐management. Failure to achieve this goal and various economic troubles first precipitated mutual acrimony within the elite along national lines, while at the next stage, it brought about ethnic segmentation of the elite itself. By 1972, the elite had dissolved into national, although still communist, elites. The major reasons for this process are found in the very failure to achieve the developmental goal, in the consociational nature of the political system, and in the nature of the political elites, which were national ones. Elite segmentation sheds important light on the dissolution of the Yugoslav state.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 34, Issue 4, Page 550-572, December 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nAnimals are increasingly acknowledged as historical agents. There are calls for more critical approaches that explore how this agency—often shared with humans—is embedded within wider relations of power. This paper responds by employing Critical Theory, particularly the ideas of Jurgen Habermas, to explore how interspecies agency is shaped and constrained by its broader socioeconomic context. Empirical illustrations are drawn from the experiences of Dales ponies and people in the early twentieth century, who found themselves navigating the growing commodification of their shared lifeworld. The findings suggest the outcome of this process of “colonisation” was not inevitable. Rather, just as the demise of the ponies seemed unstoppable, their shared communicative relations re‐emerged powerfully during the harsh winter of 1947. The paper asks what this means for our understanding of the apparently irrevocable decline of horsepower and how we might better understand horses’ own experiences of such events and processes.\n"]

["Acta Physiologica, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nAim\nDual Specificity Phosphatase 3 (DUSP3) regulates the innate immune response, with a putative role in angiogenesis. Modulating inflammation and perfusion contributes to renal conditioning against ischaemia/reperfusion (I/R). We postulate that the functional loss of DUSP3 is associated with kidney resistance to I/R.\n\n\nMethods\nTen C57BL/6 male WT and Dusp3−/− mice underwent right nephrectomy and left renal I/R (30 min/48 hours). Renal injury was assessed based on serum levels of urea (BUN) and Jablonski score. The expression of CD31 and VEGF vascular markers was quantified by RT‐qPCR and immuno‐staining. Renal resistivity index (RRI) was measured in vivo by Doppler ultrasound. Comparative phosphoproteomics was conducted using IMAC enrichment of phosphopeptides. Inflammatory markers were quantified at both mRNA and protein levels in ischaemic vs non‐ischaemic kidneys in WT vs Dusp3−/−.\n\n\nResults\nAt baseline, we located DUSP3 in renal glomeruli and endothelial cells. CD31‐positive vascular network was significantly larger in Dusp3−/− kidneys compared to WT, with a lower RRI in Dusp3−/− mice. Following I/R, BUN and Jablonski score were significantly lower in Dusp3−/− vs WT mice. Phosphoproteomics highlighted a down‐regulation of inflammatory pathways and up‐regulation of phospho‐sites involved in cell metabolism and VEGF‐related angiogenesis in Dusp3−/− vs WT ischaemic kidneys. Dusp3−/− ischaemic kidneys showed decreased mRNA levels of CD11b, TNF‐α, KIM‐1, IL‐6, IL‐1β and caspase‐3 compared to controls. The numbers of PCNA‐, F4‐80‐ and CD11b‐positive cells were reduced in Dusp3−/− vs WT kidneys post‐I/R.\n\n\nConclusion\nGenetic inactivation of Dusp3 is associated with kidney conditioning against I/R, possibly due to attenuated inflammation and improved perfusion.\n\n"]

["Acta Physiologica, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nAims\nIt is unknown how β‐adrenergic stimulation affects calcium dynamics in individual RyR2 clusters and leads to the induction of spontaneous calcium waves. To address this, we analysed spontaneous calcium release events in green fluorescent protein (GFP)‐tagged RyR2 clusters.\n\n\nMethods\nCardiomyocytes from mice with GFP‐tagged RyR2 or human right atrial tissue were subjected to immunofluorescent labelling or confocal calcium imaging.\n\n\nResults\nSpontaneous calcium release from single RyR2 clusters induced 91.4% ± 2.0% of all calcium sparks while 8.0% ± 1.6% were caused by release from two neighbouring clusters. Sparks with two RyR2 clusters had 40% bigger amplitude, were 26% wider, and lasted 35% longer at half maximum. Consequently, the spark mass was larger in two‐ than one‐cluster sparks with a median and interquartile range for the cumulative distribution of 15.7 ± 20.1 vs 7.6 ± 5.7 a.u. (P < .01). β2‐adrenergic stimulation increased RyR2 phosphorylation at s2809 and s2815, tripled the fraction of two‐ and three‐cluster sparks, and significantly increased the spark mass. Interestingly, the amplitude and mass of the calcium released from a RyR2 cluster were proportional to the SR calcium load, but the firing rate was not. The spark mass was also higher in 33 patients with atrial fibrillation than in 36 without (22.9 ± 23.4 a.u. vs 10.7 ± 10.9; P = .015).\n\n\nConclusions\nMost sparks are caused by activation of a single RyR2 cluster at baseline while β‐adrenergic stimulation doubles the mass and the number of clusters per spark. This mimics the shift in the cumulative spark mass distribution observed in myocytes from patients with atrial fibrillation.\n\n"]

["Acta Physiologica, Volume 233, Issue 3, November 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nAim\nSubcellular fractionation is often used to determine the subcellular localization of proteins, including whether a protein translocates to the nucleus in response to a given stimulus. Examining nuclear proteins in skeletal muscle is difficult because myonuclear proteins are challenging to isolate unless harsh treatments are used. This study aimed to determine the most effective method for isolating and preserving proteins in their native state in skeletal muscle.\n\n\nMethods\nWe compared the ability of detergents, commercially available kit‐based and K+‐based physiological methodologies for isolating myonuclear proteins from resting samples of human muscle by determining the presence of marker proteins for each fraction by western blot analyses.\n\n\nResults\nWe found that following the initial pelleting of nuclei, treatment with 1% Triton‐X 100, 1% CHAPS or 0.5% Na‐deoxycholate under various ionic conditions resulted in the nuclear proteins being either resistant to isolation or the proteins present behaving aberrantly. The nuclear proteins in brain tissue were also resistant to 1% Triton‐X 100 isolation. Here, we demonstrate aberrant behaviour and erroneous localization of proteins using the kit‐based method. The aberrant behaviour was the activation of Ca2+‐dependent protease calpain‐3, and the erroneous localization was the presence of calpain‐3 and troponin I in the nuclear fraction.\n\n\nConclusion\nOur findings indicate that it may not be possible to reliably determine the translocation of proteins between subcellular locations and the nucleus using subcellular fractionation techniques. This study highlights the importance of validating subcellular fractionation methodologies using several subcellular‐specific markers and solutions that are physiologically relevant to the intracellular milieu.\n\n"]

["Acta Physiologica, Volume 233, Issue 3, November 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nChemically skinned fibres allow the study of human muscle contractile function in vitro. A particularly important parameter is specific force (SF), that is, maximal isometric force divided by cross‐sectional area, representing contractile quality. Although SF varies substantially between studies, the magnitude and cause of this variability remains puzzling. Here, we aimed to summarize and explore the cause of variability in SF between studies. A systematic search was conducted in Medline, Embase and Web of Science databases in June 2020, yielding 137 data sets from 61 publications which studied healthy, young adults. Five‐fold differences in mean SF data were observed. Adjustments to the reported data for key methodological differences allowed between‐study comparisons to be made. However, adjustment for fibre shape, swelling and sarcomere length failed to significantly reduce SF variance (I2 = 96%). Interestingly, grouping papers based on shared authorship did reveal consistency within research groups. In addition, lower SF was found to be associated with higher phosphocreatine concentrations in the fibre activating solution and with Triton X‐100 being used as a skinning agent. Although the analysis showed variance across the literature, the ratio of SF in single fibres containing myosin heavy chain isoforms IIA or I was found to be consistent across research groups. In conclusion, whilst the skinned fibre technique is reliable for studying in vitro force generation of single fibres, the composition of the solution used to activate fibres, which differs between research groups, is likely to heavily influence SF values.\n"]

["Acta Physiologica, Volume 233, Issue 3, November 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nAim\nThis study investigates the role of calcineurin for angiotensin II (AngII)‐induced vascular remodelling with the help of a mouse model lacking the catalytic beta subunit of calcineurin (PPP3CB KO).\n\n\nMethods\nWildtype (WT) and PPP3CB KO mice were treated for 4 weeks with AngII followed by assessment of blood pressure, histological evaluation of aortas and mRNA analysis of aortic genes PPP3CB‐dependently regulated by AngII. Primary murine vascular smooth muscle cells (VSMCs) were used for qPCR, ELISA and Western Blot experiments as well as wound healing and cell proliferation assays.\n\n\nResults\nUpon AngII treatment, PPP3CB KO mice showed less aortic media thickening, lumen dilation and systolic blood pressure compared to WT mice. Next‐generation sequencing data of aortic tissue indicated an increase in extracellular matrix components (EMCs), cell migration and cell proliferation. A PPP3CB‐dependent increase in EMC was confirmed by qPCR in aorta and VSMCs. PPP3CB‐dependent stimulation of VSMC migration could be verified by wound healing assays but markers of enhanced cell proliferation were only detectable in aortic tissue of WT mice but not in isolated WT or KO VSMCs. We could demonstrate in VSMCs with pharmacological inhibitors that PPP3CB leads to enhanced heparin‐binding EGF‐like growth factor (HB‐EGF) secretion, epidermal growth factor receptor (EGFR) activation and consecutive stimulation of transforming growth factor β(TGFβ) and connective tissue growth factor (CTGF) signalling that enhances collagen expression.\n\n\nConclusion\nAngII‐induced vascular remodelling involves PPP3CB, which leads to enhanced EMC production, VSMC migration and sustained increase in systolic blood pressure via HBEGF/EGFR‐TGFβ‐CTGF signalling.\n\n"]

["Acta Physiologica, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nAim\nSlc26a9 is a member of the Slc26 multifunctional anion transporter family. Polymorphisms in Slc26a9 are associated with an increased incidence of meconium ileus and diabetes in cystic fibrosis patients. We investigated the expression of Slc26a9 in the murine pancreatic ducts, islets and parenchyma, and elucidated its role in pancreatic ductal electrolyte and fluid secretion and endocrine function.\n\n\nMethods\nPancreatic Slc26a9 and CFTR mRNA expression, fluid and bicarbonate secretion were assessed in slc26a9−/− mice and their age‐ and sex‐matched wild‐type (wt) littermates. Glucose and insulin tolerance tests were performed.\n\n\nResults\nCompared with stomach, the mRNA expression of Slc26a9 was low in pancreatic parenchyma, 20‐fold higher in microdissected pancreatic ducts than parenchyma, and very low in islets. CFTR mRNA was ~10 fold higher than Slc26a9 mRNA expression in each pancreatic cell type. Significantly reduced pancreatic fluid secretory rates and impaired glucose tolerance were observed in female slc26a9−/− mice, whereas alterations in male mice did not reach statistical significance. No significant difference was observed in peripheral insulin resistance in slc26a9−/− compared to sex‐ and aged‐matched wt controls. In contrast, isolated slc26a9−/− islets in short term culture displayed no difference in insulin content, but a significantly reduced glucose‐stimulated insulin secretion compared to age‐ and sex‐matched wt islets, suggesting that the impaired glucose tolerance in the absence of Slc26a9 expression these is a pancreatic defect.\n\n\nConclusions\nDeletion of Slc26a9 is associated with a reduction in pancreatic fluid secretion and impaired glucose tolerance in female mice. The results underline the importance of Slc26a9 in pancreatic physiology.\n\n"]

["Acta Physiologica, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nAim\nArteriogenesis constitutes the most efficient endogenous rescue mechanism in cases of cerebral ischaemia. The aim of this work was to investigate whether angiotensin‐converting enzyme inhibitors (ACEi) stimulates, and angiotensin II receptor type 1 blockers (ARB) inhibits cerebral collateral growth by applying a three‐vessel occlusion (3‐VO) model in rat.\n\n\nMethods\nCerebral collateral growth was measured post 3‐VO (1) by assessing blood flow using the cerebrovascular reserve capacity (CVRC) technique, and (2) by assessing vessel diameters in the posterior cerebral artery (PCA) via the evaluation of latex angiographies. A stimulatory effect on arteriogenesis was investigated for ACEi administration ± bradykinin receptor 1 (B1R) and 2 (B2R) blockers, and an inhibitory effect was analysed for ARB administration. Results were validated by immunohistochemical analysis and mechanistic data were collected by human umbilical vein endothelial cell (HUVEC) viability or scratch assay and monocyte (THP‐1) migration assay.\n\n\nResults\nAn inhibitory effect of ARB on arteriogenesis could not be demonstrated. However, collateral growth measurements demonstrated a significantly increased CVRC and PCA diameters in the ACEi group. ACEi stimulates cell viability and migration, which could be partially reduced by additional administration of bradykinin receptor 1 inhibitor (B1Ri).\nACEi inhibits the degradation of pro‐arteriogenic bradykinin derivatives, but combined ACEi + B1Ri + B1Ri (BRB) treatment did not reverse the stimulatory effect. Yet, co‐administration of ACEi + BRB enhances arteriogenesis and cell migration.\n\n\nConclusion\nWe demonstrate a potent stimulatory effect of ACEi on cerebral arteriogenesis in rats, presumable via B1R. However, results imply a pleiotropic and compensatory effect of ACEi on bradykinin receptor‐stimulated arteriogenesis.\n\n"]

["Acta Physiologica, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThe molecular link between SARS‐CoV‐2 infection and susceptibility is not well understood. Nonetheless, a bi‐directional relationship between SARS‐CoV‐2 and diabetes has been proposed. The angiotensin‐converting enzyme 2 (ACE2) is considered as the primary protein facilitating SARS‐CoV and SARS‐CoV‐2 attachment and entry into the host cells. Studies suggested that ACE2 is expressed in the endocrine cells of the pancreas including beta cells, in addition to the lungs and other organs; however, its expression in the islets, particularly beta cells, has been met with some contradiction. Importantly, ACE2 plays a crucial role in glucose homoeostasis and insulin secretion by regulating beta cell physiology. Given the ability of SARS‐CoV‐2 to infect human pluripotent stem cell‐derived pancreatic cells in vitro and the presence of SARS‐CoV‐2 in pancreatic samples from COVID‐19 patients strongly hints that SARS‐CoV‐2 can invade the pancreas and directly cause pancreatic injury and diabetes. However, more studies are required to dissect the underpinning molecular mechanisms triggered in SARS‐CoV‐2‐infected islets that lead to aggravation of diabetes. Regardless, it is important to understand the function of ACE2 in the pancreatic islets to design relevant therapeutic interventions in combatting the effects of SARS‐CoV‐2 on diabetes pathophysiology. Herein, we detail the function of ACE2 in pancreatic beta cells crucial for regulating insulin sensitivity, secretion, and glucose metabolism. Also, we discuss the potential role played by ACE2 in aiding SARS‐COV‐2 entry into the pancreas and the possibility of ACE2 cooperation with alternative entry factors as well as how that may be linked to diabetes pathogenesis.\n"]

["Acta Physiologica, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nAim\nWith diabetes comes a significant risk of macrovascular and microvascular complications. Circulating aldosterone levels increase in patients with diabetes. Aldosterone can directly affect vascular function via activation of the mineralocorticoid receptor (MR). We hypothesized that aldosterone via endothelial MR impairs endothelial function in a murine model of experimental diabetes.\n\n\nMethod\nEndothelial cell‐specific mineralocorticoid receptor knockout MRflox/flox;Tie2‐Cre mice (ECMR‐KO) and wild‐type FVB littermates were subjected to an experimental type‐1 diabetic model by low dose streptozotocin injections (55mg/kg/day) for five consecutive days. After 10 weeks of diabetes, second‐order mesenteric resistance arteries were perfused ex vivo to evaluate vessel contractility and endothelial function. The effect of ex vivo incubation with aldosterone with and without the antagonist, spironolactone was determined.\n\n\nResults\nDiabetic ECMR‐KO and wild‐type mice had similar, elevated, plasma aldosterone concentration while only diabetic wild‐type mice displayed elevated urine albumin excretion and cardiac and kidney hypertrophy at 10 weeks. There were no differences in contraction (Emax and EC50) to thromboxane receptor agonist (U46619) and elevated K+ between groups. Wild‐type diabetic mice showed impaired acetylcholine (ACh)‐dependent relaxation, while diabetic ECMR‐KO mice had intact ACh‐mediated relaxation. Aldosterone incubation ex vivo impaired ACh mediated relaxation and rendered responses similar to diabetic WT arteries. Direct, ex vivo aldosterone effects were absent in ECMR‐KO animals. Ex vivo inhibitory effects of aldosterone on endothelial relaxation in arteries from WT were abolished by spironolactone.\n\n\nConclusion\nThese findings show that endothelial cell mineralocorticoid receptor activation accounts for diabetes‐induced systemic endothelial dysfunction in experimental diabetes and may explain the cardiovascular protection by MR antagonists in diabetes.\n\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 34, Issue 3, Page 535-547, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThe article explores the figure of the “good bandit,” connecting representations of the historical personage Ghino di Tacco in late‐medieval Italian literature with the bandits in Washington Irving’s travel tales. Ghino di Tacco was a notorious bandit, known for raiding pilgrims and travelers in thirteenth‐century Tuscany. Nevertheless, according to literary sources such as Boccaccio's Decameron, the infamous raider left his victims unharmed and with the means necessary to complete their journeys. Sources also indicate that Ghino di Tacco became a bandit because of factional disputes and was eventually pardoned by Pope Boniface VIII for healing the Abbot of Cluny. Similarly, the fictional bandits in Irving’s Tales of a Traveller (1824) are revealed to be men of moral standing, forced into a violent life of banditry in response to the excesses of nineteenth‐century Italy’s ruling classes. His tales redeem the figure of the bandit from crude one‐dimensional treatments common in the works of English writers such as Ann Radcliffe. Pivoting from established proposals that have characterized bandits as either criminals or revolutionaries, this article argues that, for Boccaccio as with Irving, the figure of the good bandit functions as a symbol of reconciliation and social reintegration.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 34, Issue 3, Page 504-516, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nUsing the case of modern Greece, this article examines the long historical resonance and embattled legacy of state relations with bandits. Whilst there have been enduring debates about the motivations of bandits in the armed struggle for Greek liberation from Ottoman rule in the nineteenth century, their central role within that struggle is nevertheless widely acknowledged. After independence in 1832, bandit histories eventually became a core part of nationalist myths on which the modern Greek state staked its legitimacy. As this article contends, however, this stake was not unproblematic, and was not to go unchallenged. At notable junctures over the course of the twentieth and twenty‐first centuries, the Greek state faced counter‐claims to these cherished tropes, when outlawed groups sought to present themselves as the authentic inheritors of the nationalist bandit mantle. This article thus draws attention to the potential for extended political reverberations over the ascription of bandit tropes and their significance in claims of legitimacy by political actors. In so doing, the paper offers a conceptual bridge over a divide commonly found between, on the one hand, studies of banditry, and, on the other, research on groups of outlaws that emerge over successive periods within the same geographic space.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 34, Issue 3, Page 517-534, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThe article examines bandit myths from a socio‐historical perspective, as part of the socio‐cultural reality of present‐day Egypt. It engages in the semiotics of banditry encouraged by Stephanie Cronin by taking a first step towards a social semiotics analysis of Rayyā and Sakīna, the two Egyptian female criminals par excellence, arrested in 1920 and executed in 1921. I will argue that Rayyā and Sakīna's criminal myth is currently being resignified in terms that can be conceived of as social banditry. Ethnography, press, and broadcast sources help to highlight two different recent shifts towards bandit myths, linked respectively to national and local circulation.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 34, Issue 3, Page 466-478, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nLibya's enigmatic Sanusi brotherhood has been the subject of perennial debate since its emergence in Ottoman Cyrenaica in the mid nineteenth century, becoming a screen upon which apologists and detractors could project their own political anxieties and desires. For European critics, the brotherhood embodied the irrationality and fanaticism of the Islamic East. Its networks in North and Central Africa constituted an obstacle to their expansionist designs, while Sanusi prestige throughout the Muslim world rendered the brotherhood a threat to the entire colonial order of things. Nationalist historiography has generally endorsed this view, albeit with a positive valence, characterizing the Sanusiyya as an anticolonial social movement. Meanwhile, modern critical scholarship has tried to impose order on the chaos of the turn‐of‐the‐century Sahara by assigning to the fraternity the role of a “proto‐state.” This article proposes a new framework for understanding the history and sociology of the Sanusi. Drawing on theorists of subaltern resistance such as James Scott and Michael Adas—alongside Ottoman, British, French, and Italian primary sources—I demonstrate that the brotherhood began its life as an inward‐looking Islamic social justice movement with little evident interest in state building or the geopolitical controversies of the moment. I coin the term “reluctant militants” to describe its mercurial trajectory from frontier evangelism to armed struggle in response to French and Italian colonial encirclement. This process culminated in the Long War of 1911–1931, during which the Sanusiyya played a critical part in the struggles over post‐Ottoman reconstruction, from the Maghreb to Anatolia.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 34, Issue 3, Page 491-503, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nFocusing on violent Ottoman contexts, this study explores state behavior, charts criminal taxonomy, and contributes to the state‐outlaw paradigm an analytical conduit through which to explain state responses to the outlaws on discursive and institutional levels. At the center of this study are several cases that demonstrate the engagement of local outlaws with evangelical outsiders named George Knapp, George White, and Ellen Stone. It is my contention that, while mitigating specific activities involving these outlaws and outsiders, the state under study invents new traditions, empowers security networks, claims unaccountability, and executes double standards in pursuit of social order within its borders.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 34, Issue 3, Page 439-451, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article examines banditry in the northeastern provinces of the Second Polish Republic after the First World War and into the mid‐1920s. It considers the devastating effects of the war, which ravaged the territory, together with policies of the Polish state that contributed to an increase in bandit activity in the eastern borderland region. This work argues that banditry here worked as a multi‐level system and thrived due to the involvement of multiple social actors—the bandits themselves, locals, state authorities, and foreign aid. Furthermore, this article pushes for an examination of bandits—not merely as social outcasts or misfits—but as an integral part of the communities they emerged from. More broadly, the focus on banditry contributes to scholarship dedicated to better understanding the aftermath of the First World War and continued conflict from the perspective of everyday people.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 34, Issue 3, Page 452-465, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nFourth Century North Africa was a site of intense religious and political conflict. Emerging from a period of persecution and newly legitimized by the Roman state, the Christian Church immediately fractured into two competing camps. Now known as the Donatist schism, this fracture was the result of competing claims to religious authority between two camps of bishops, but the doctrinal debate at its core precipitated a specific form of violence: attacks on clergy and property perpetrated by roving groups of militant bandits. Known as circumcellions, these bands acquired a perverse reputation for religious zeal, a desire for martyrdom, and what their opponents described as the ‘madness’ and ‘insanity’ of their violence. Here I analyze sources produced by both Donatists and Catholics to trace patterns of circumcellion violence. I draw on borderland theory and research on non‐state violence to argue that such acts were not mad, but rather the result of strategic efforts to consolidate religious and political power. In this, Donatism and the sectarian violence that accompanied it provide important insights into how banditry and peasant rebellions can serve as alternate sources of social and political power, avenues through which heterodox movements challenge the power state and religious hierarchies alike.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 34, Issue 3, Page 423-438, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nThis study explores the history of Palestinian Arab outlaw Abu‐Jildeh (∼1900–1934), as a case study for constructing a social bandit image. Between May 1933 and April 1934, following several robberies and murders, Abu‐Jildeh was Palestine’s most wanted criminal. The British‐led Palestine Police Force’s failure to arrest the bandit, despite significant efforts, further enhanced Abu‐Jildeh’s public image, making him an Arab folk hero and symbol of resistance to the British Mandate government. The research used British archival sources, Palestinian Arab and Jewish press articles, memoirs, and oral history to propose a valid historical narrative and uncover the facts behind a typical social bandit myth. These enable retracing the actions of the three main actors in Abu‐Jildeh’s saga: the outlaw himself, the police hunting him, and the local Arab press, who glorified him. Seen in the context of contemporary Arab political and national climate in Palestine, the interplay between bandit, police, and press shows how an ordinary, “opportunistic,” criminal transformed into a national hero, regardless of his actions.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 34, Issue 3, Page 479-490, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nBandits have been popular ‘heroic’ individuals throughout history. Many of them also proved to be quite useful figures, allowing interested parties to fill in gaps in their capacities on the quick by way of co‐opting them. Such ‘interested parties’ even included kings, whose authority still was a rather limited one. A particularly glaring gap in their authority existed at sea: keeping a fleet at the ready was quite expensive, and affordable only for a few rich exceptions. Everyone else had to make use of naval mercenaries–pirates with a license. One of the most illustrious medieval examples of such maritime entrepreneurs is Eustace the Monk. His colourful life includes being a monk, the seneschal of the Count of Boulogne, a bandit and pirate after he fell out with the count, and finally naval mercenary first for King John of England, then for King Philip Augustus of France. This contribution focuses on Eustace the Monk's maritime career. It will do so by assessing the political constellation and culture of his days which made it possible in the first place.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 34, Issue 3, Page 406-422, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nOutlaws have been formidable local authorities throughout history and some of their stories survived thanks to poems, ballads, and plays within a culture deeply colored by violence, avenge, injustice, punishment, and state response against them. I underscore the role of power relationship in society to examine the emergence of outlaws and utilize it to deconstruct the social, political, and cultural conundrum. Consulting the British, Mexican, Bulgarian, U.S., Ottoman, and Brazilian archives, I attempt to theorize the activities of bandits, brigands, and militants within the global history of social dissent. I argue that if we employ social dissent as an instrumental concept, we can effectively determine both local factors and uncover global connections that explicate why various outlaws and societal reactions against them demonstrate astonishing similarities in distant geographies and different time periods. This study contributes to our knowledge in the historical sociology of outlaws by offering new theoretical ventures and highlighting methodological challenges in studying outlaws within the conundrum of crime, conflict, and violence.\n"]

["Journal of Historical Sociology, Volume 34, Issue 3, Page 402-405, September 2021. ", "\nAbstract\nOutlaws have been prominent actors in a social context which is characterized by collective dissent, conflict, and violence. Bandits, brigands, and militants emerged in societies with the decline of social justice, political stability, and economic prosperity. Their emergence and social networks with different actors and agencies provide us principal motives to deconstruct the social identity of outlaws and determine the factors that fostered collective dissent, conflict, and violence in different societies. This special issue covers a vast geography and different time periods to theoretically and methodologically advance our knowledge in the historical sociology of outlaws. In doing so, we address complex social, political, and cultural issues that rendered outlaws inextricable part of social problems. Exploring the power and activities of outlaws in different social geographies offers us new perspectives to tackle the origins and outcomes of social, political, and cultural dissent across the world.\n"]

["Acta Physiologica, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\n\nAim\nWe aimed at identifying potential roles of vesicular monoamine transporter 2, also known as Solute Carrier protein 18 A2 (SLC18A2) (hereafter, Vmat2), in brain monoamine regulation, their turnover, behaviour and brain development using a novel zebrafish model.\n\n\nMethods\nA zebrafish strain lacking functional Vmat2 was generated with the CRISPR/Cas9 system. Larval behaviour and heart rate were monitored. Monoamines and their metabolites were analysed with high‐pressure liquid chromatography. Amine synthesising and degrading enzymes, and genes essential for brain development, were analysed with quantitative PCR, in situ hybridisation and immunocytochemistry.\n\n\nResults\nThe 5‐bp deletion in exon 3 caused an early frameshift and was lethal within 2 weeks post‐fertilisation. Homozygous mutants (hereafter, mutants) displayed normal low locomotor activity during night‐time but aberrant response to illumination changes. In mutants dopamine, noradrenaline, 5‐hydroxytryptamine and histamine levels were reduced, whereas levels of dopamine and 5‐hydroxytryptamine metabolites were increased, implying elevated monoamine turnover. Consistently, there were fewer histamine, 5‐hydroxytryptamine and dopamine immunoreactive cells. Cellular dopamine immunostaining, in wild‐type larvae more prominent in tyrosine hydroxylase 1 (Th1)‐expressing than in Th2‐expressing neurons, was absent in mutants. Despite reduced dopamine levels, mutants presented upregulated dopamine‐synthesising enzymes. Further, in mutants the number of histidine decarboxylase‐expressing neurons was increased, notch1a and pax2a were downregulated in brain proliferative zones.\n\n\nConclusion\nLack of Vmat2 increases monoamine turnover and upregulates genes encoding amine‐synthesising enzymes, including histidine decarboxylase. Notch1a and pax2a, genes implicated in stem cell development, are downregulated in mutants. The zebrafish vmat2 mutant strain may be a useful model to study how monoamine transport affects brain development and function, and for use in drug screening.\n\n"]

["Acta Physiologica, Volume 232, Issue 4, August 2021. ", "\nAbstract\n\nAim\nMicroRNAs play an important role in the maintenance of cellular functions by fine‐tuning gene expression levels. The aim of the current study was to identify genetically caused changes in microRNA expression which associate with islet dysfunction in diabetic mice.\n\n\nMethods\nTo identify novel microRNAs involved in islet dysfunction, transcriptome and miRNome analyses were performed in islets of obese, diabetes‐susceptible NZO and diabetes‐resistant B6‐ob/ob mice and results combined with quantitative trait loci (QTL) and functional in vitro analysis.\n\n\nResults\nIn islets of NZO and B6‐ob/ob mice, 94 differentially expressed microRNAs were detected, of which 11 are located in diabetes QTL. Focusing on conserved microRNAs exhibiting the strongest expression difference and which have not been linked to islet function, miR‐205‐5p was selected for further analysis. According to transcriptome data and target prediction analyses, miR‐205‐5p affects genes involved in Wnt and calcium signalling as well as insulin secretion. Over‐expression of miR‐205‐5p in the insulinoma cell line INS‐1 increased insulin expression, left‐shifted the glucose‐dependence of insulin secretion and supressed the expression of the diabetes gene TCF7L2. The interaction between miR‐205‐5p and TCF7L2 was confirmed by luciferase reporter assay.\n\n\nConclusion\nMiR‐205‐5p was identified as relevant microRNA involved in islet dysfunction by interacting with TCF7L2.\n\n"]