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["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThis contribution makes the case for a shift in boundaries between the (populist) radical right and the extreme right, arguing for the systematic use of the term ‘far right’. The significance of a deliberately generic but fundamentally meaningful concept such as ‘far right’ is motivated by the growing links between illiberal‐democratic (‘radical right’) and anti‐democratic (‘extreme right’) collective actors. This begs considering the conceptual grounds for differentiation among far‐right collective actors, their underlying dynamics, and why it is important to look at what they do to tackle this phenomenon in practice—that is, to extrapolate their ideological essence and their varying allegiances to democracy. The complexity of far‐right politics questions the long‐standing conceptual distinctions internally defining it. The use of an umbrella concept may thus enhance precision in the discussion of this phenomenon, at the same time highlighting the unfolding of a new phase in nativist politics.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThis study seeks to add to the burgeoning literature on the relations between nationalism and environmentalism by examining the ideas of A. D. Gordon (1856–1922). Gordon is not well‐known outside the realm of Zionist scholarship. Nonetheless, a close re‐examination of his ideas reveals that Gordon offers a hybrid brand of deep eco‐national theory that frames traditional deep ecological themes within a general theory of nationalism. Whereas Gordon's theory introduces the ‘nation’ as a central notion to deep ecology thought, at the same time, it adds an ecological dimension rarely taken into account in theories of nationalism. This analysis further shows that although Gordon's pioneering eco‐national theory had high potential for bridging between the two disciplines, it eventually faded into obscurity like eco‐national ideas elsewhere. As Jewish national independence came into view, Gordon's distinctive eco‐nationalism was overshadowed by anthropocentric‐based Zionist politics.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThis paper analyses the influence of the French composer and musicologist Charles Bordes (1863–1909) on the definition of ‘Basque music’ both in the peninsular Basque Country and in Paris. On the one hand, it studies Bordes' ideological background, his vision of traditional Basque music and the acceptance of his shared musicological legacy in Basque regionalist and nationalist circles. On the other hand, it pays particular attention to the reception of his ideas in the Parisian musical milieu through the analysis of the criticism aroused by the premieres of two Basque‐themed operas: Ramuntcho (1908) and Chiquito (1909). This article frames Bordes' activity within the regionalist movement in France. However, it also draws attention to the transnational and ambivalent nature of regionalism, especially in cross‐border spaces, where regionalist discourses could take divergent forms according to the different nationalist agendas with which they were associated.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThe conventional historiographical paradigm depicts the consolidation of nation‐state and nationalism in Turkey as a top‐down political project characterised by the domination of the ‘center’ over the ‘periphery’. In this narrative, the masses are portrayed as either passive recipients or silenced opponents of the nation‐state project. Based on a historical and contemporary analysis of the state‐sponsored tea production in Rize, this article contends that this perspective neglects the agency of the provincial population in the reproduction of the nation‐state and nationalism in Turkey and in influencing the decisions made by the state elite. The economic interventionist measures of the ruling authority to extend its nationalist hegemony across Anatolia also opened a field of action for rural/provincial populations to negotiate their interests with the state and thereby influence its policies. The main contours of this relationship have remained salient during the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP) period, and it needs to be taken into account to explain this party's large ideological appeal in the Black Sea region. This argument builds on a fieldwork conducted in Rize that included in‐depth interviews with local tea workers and farmers as well as extensive archival research.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nRecent historical studies tend to confirm the antimodernist interpretation, emphasizing the strong premodern roots of nations and nationalism. However, a broad comparative analysis of the rise of the nation‐state during the Age of Revolution shows that earlier notions of nationhood did not have a significant role in the creation of nation‐states in Europe and the Americas. They were not the consequence of a glorious national revolt, but of a clash between the Old Regime and new ideals of political legitimacy. Many of these conflicts led to civil wars and the survival of the nation‐state was mostly determined by the geopolitical constellation. The boundaries of the nation were defined in terms of civilization, whereas language and culture were largely irrelevant. Within these new nation‐states, a universalist nationalization process began. In many instances, citizenship was awarded easier to foreigners than to “uncivilized” inhabitants, while Classical Antiquity was preferred over the national past.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 806-824, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nMany classic and contemporary works on the moral status of ‘nations’ examine whether nations have unique features that require providing them with a distinctive status. Yet identifying features that can ground distinct national rights to secession or co‐national partiality, for two prominent examples, remains exceedingly difficult. Many accordingly question whether there is anything morally ‘special’ about nations. This work seeks to address this concern by refocusing analysis of nations' role in political morality. It defends analysing nations' moral status by focusing on a more prosaic issue motivated by other nationalist demands, namely, whether substate nations can justifiably possess power(s) to make decisions about particular subjects for co‐nationals within an encompassing state unfettered by that state's direct involvement. It argues that nations are ‘special’ if they can justifiably possess such ‘substate authority’, even if nothing requires that nations possess it. It then identifies and motivates five criteria for justified substate national authority. These criteria explain how, when and why substate nations can hold particular, identifiable powers within states when other groups cannot. It thereby identifies an important role for nations in political morality. The work concludes by demonstrating how it helps further three ongoing debates about the moral status of nations.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 954-971, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article analyses the perception of the symbols of the European Union (EU) by citizens. Relying on a survey of a representative sample of the population in eight countries (France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Poland, Romania, Spain and the United Kingdom) carried out in December 2020, it investigates to which extent these symbols are considered as good representations of the EU and differences related to political, cultural, social and economic belongings. Empirically, our findings show a large acknowledgement of these symbols in congruence with general attitudes towards the EU. Theoretically, it offers some evidence of the existence of a “banal Europeanism” taking ‐ to a certain extent ‐ European symbolism as granted in contrast with its politicisation in elite discursive struggles.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 894-908, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThe main thesis of this article is that nationalist political discourses emerged in Hungary more suddenly, radically and earlier than previously thought. An underlying assumption is that nationalism may be best understood through an analysis of political discourses. The sudden appeal of these kinds of political discourses demands explanation. How did the discourses of nation overwrite earlier discourses? How did they gain social, political and cultural legitimacy? How were they related to the Enlightenment? In answering these questions, we first point to the ambiguity and fluidity of new concepts and terms, such as nation, language, fatherland, patriot and foreigner. These key concepts of nationalist discourses provided innovative and independent sources of political legitimation. They enabled the frameworks of political life and thought to be re‐established. They made for an easy entry into politics because they were rooted in familiar, earlier political discourses. However, for the success of nationalism as a political paradigm, the new discourses of nation also had to make attractive ideological offers and project positive visions of the future. These offers, as we will show, were built on an appeal to ‘public happiness’. They bound together Magyarisation and nationalism and grew from an ideology into a political programme.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 1006-1021, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThis study examined how selected Nigerian newspaper editorials covered the commemoration of its 60th independence anniversary. Frame theory provided the theoretical lens with which to make sense of the data. Drawing from van Dijk's (1992) model of editorial analysis, which focuses on Definition, Evaluation and Recommendation, this research investigated how Nigeria's journey as an independent nation in the last 60 years was framed in the editorials. The study found that there were divergent views as to whether there was a reason to celebrate or not. Defective structure, insecurity and poor leadership emerged as major problems to Nigeria's development. Consequently, these editorials framed restructuring, provision of security and rejigging of the recruitment process for political officeholders as solutions to the identified problems. The study indicated that these papers glossed over Nigerian Civil War experience, thus denying the younger generation the lessons of this important historical event.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 990-1005, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThe departing point of this study is to understand the implications of ‘nation‐building’ as a Western initiative in the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (2004–2021) particularly in terms of the local conceptualisation of nation or millat. Based on this larger question, the goal of this study is to reveal the idea of nation as presented in the discourse of education constructed by the state of Afghanistan. To this end, the study employs three major primary resources: official state documents, school textbooks and expert interviews conducted at the Ministry of Education in Afghanistan. Pursuing a qualitative research methodology, the study uncovers four major elements that make up the idea of the ‘nation of Afghanistan’ or the millat‐e Afghanistan: (1) Islam, (2) watan (homeland), (3) qawm and (4) Afghaniyat (Afghanness). Reflecting a very specific understanding of nation that is peculiar to the context of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, this study concludes that the Western‐imposed form of nation has a local content which struggles hard to keep the idea of nation together.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 1117-1130, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article aims to provide a conceptual framework for exploring the relations between liberal nationalism and religion. Combining multidimensional analyses of autonomy as well as religion, the article aims to provide a framework for considering, with greater precision, different potential versions of liberal nationalism, and which kinds of prioritisations and trade‐offs they would involve. Religion is approached in terms of Wittgensteinian family resemblances, referring to a host of overlapping narratives, norms, objects and practices. Autonomy is analysed in terms of collective and individual autonomy, and the latter is divided into four major dimensions: liberty (freedom from coercion) opportunity (available options) capacity (for making choices) and authenticity (the degree to which choices are genuine). These, furthermore, may be distributed differently across space and time: for example, liberty may be restricted in the present to preserve it over time. Liberal nationalism ultimately has to balance intrinsic and instrumental arguments, while respecting human rights.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 1097-1116, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nPolitical debates about immigration provoke strong nationalistic pushback from citizens, constraining the policymaking capacity of states. This paper investigates to what extent labour market policies shape economically motivated preferential divides among European citizens. On the one hand, I concentrate on prospective job loss threats indicative of economic grievances and assess the impact of unemployment risk exposure on immigration policy attitudes. On the other hand, as the original contribution of the paper, I contend that, if such an economically motivated explanation holds, this relationship should vary based on the labour market institutions in each country. Multi‐level analyses of 16 European countries over a decade since 2002 reveal a remarkably robust relationship between unemployment risks and more restrictive immigration policy attitudes. Importantly, more protective employment regulations seem to have a dampening effect on the impact of job loss threats on immigration policy attitudes. Conversely, there are larger attitudinal divides between the risk‐exposed and the more secure workers in countries with generous and expansive unemployment compensation policies. Overall, the paper helps explain the cross‐national variation in economically motivated cleavages about immigration policy attitudes in Europe.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 909-923, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article reconstructs Vasile Alecsandri's political and cultural activities at an international level, as he attempted to raise public awareness (particularly in France and Italy) for the Romanian national cause, namely, by staking claim to the ‘Latinity’ of Romanians. It takes account of the European historical and political context in which the process took place, against the cultural backdrop of a growing interest in Romania, its people and language, and the development of the pan‐Latin ideal (and of macro‐nationalisms in general). In 1878, Alecsandri participated in the Fêtes Latines in Montpellier, competing for the best ‘Song of the Latin race’, illustrating his ability to use all available communication channels to further the Romanian Latin cause and bolster pan‐Latinism.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 861-876, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nNational identities are an important tool for collective political persuasion and mobilisation among political elites and lay people. Recent research on nationalism has shown that the negotiating of national identities, like any political deliberations and operations, increasingly occur on the Internet. In this study, we contribute to this research by examining the relational construction of Finnish identity online. More specifically, we focus on how the users of the largest discussion forum in Finland constructed Russia as a threat. A massive dataset spanning 12 years enables us to map the recurring patterns and temporal shifts in the discussions. We show that the construction of Russia as a threatening national other was used to both oppose and support Finland's alliance with the West, namely, becoming a member of NATO.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 788-805, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThe majority of states in the world today were created via secession, but a majority of secessionist movements have failed to gain independence. Counter‐secession is not only more successful than secession; it is also more common. There are over 300 nations today that lack sovereign states, as well as untold thousands more groups whose identities never became nationalist or who were never able to create robust movements in the first place. Nonetheless, counter‐secession is comparatively understudied, and a small but growing number of excellent analyses often focus on a single state strategy. Independence is rarely won quickly or cheaply, as existing states fight to maintain their borders across four phases of secession: identity formation, group mobilisation, (un)armed struggle and international recognition. This article presents the repertoire of states' counter‐secession strategies throughout the secessionist struggle, including cultural assimilation, administrative organisation, civilian displacement, banning secessionist political activity, fragmenting the secessionist movement, economic coercion, violent repression and blocking international recognition. This collective analysis of the causal logic and illustrative historical examples of state counter‐secession strategies lays the foundation for a more comprehensive research programme on counter‐secession across time and space.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 825-840, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nAre the constitutional orders framed on a federal architecture more welcoming vis‐à‐vis the presence of minority nations within their midst than are the ones inspired by a unitarian logic? From an ideal‐typical perspective, to what degree unitary and federal models of the modern state are indeed meeting or conflicting with minority nations' most typical claim to be formally recognised and to possess the institutional anchorage to self‐govern and self‐determinate? Mobilising an analytical framework derived from the Societal Culture Index, this article combines constitutional studies with the tools of political theory. It argues that both unitary and federal models of the sovereign state have the potential to promote a normative rationale, that is, after all, fairly hospitable towards minority nations' typical claims. Nevertheless, it stresses that the normative rationale of federal systems in general, and asymmetrical federalism in particular, leads to constitutional architectures that shall be most hospitable towards minority nations.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 1080-1096, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article explores the definitions of Eurasian identity utilising the authority‐defined, everyday‐defined, and national identity concepts by Shamsul Amri. The authority‐defined explains the influence of authority figures such as the British administration during the colonial era and the Malaysian government during the postcolonial era via established bumiputera‐based policies that have impacted the Eurasian community, alongside the Eurasian Associations in Malaysia, which acts as an authority in preserving and curating Eurasian culture and identity. The everyday‐defined concept focuses on personal experiences of Eurasians, specifically on the hybridity of culture, religion and language that shifts as newer generations emerge. Findings show that Eurasians defined according to the authority‐defined concept is based on the governmental documentation such as their birth certificate whereas the everyday‐defined concept is based on ancestral lineage and peranakan heritage that has been established by Malaysian society.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 1040-1060, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\n‘Sectarianism’ has been frequently used by politicians, activists, journalists and even some academics to explain causes and dynamics of the Syrian uprising and the subsequent civil war. However, this state of affairs contrasts sharply with the kinds of symbols and rhetoric used by the predominantly peaceful protesters who took to the streets in Syria in 2011. Drawing on interpretivist approach and thick‐description, this article traces how local and supralocal activists' reactions to the regime's violence and its master narrative culminated in the activation and politicisation of the category of ‘sect’ as a residual sociality. I argue that the increasing visibility of sectarian frameworks and the demobilisation of non‐sectarian actors were parts of boundary‐making strategies pursued by local and supralocal actors who capitalised on regime violence and regional sectarian framing and sought to have a monopoly over the symbolic representation of the uprising. The effectiveness of the sectarianisation process was contingent on the escalation of violence, the militarisation and internationalisation of the uprising, and the transnationalisation of sectarian networks. Taking Syria as a case study, this article demonstrates how conflicts, or violence, become ‘ethnic’ or ‘sectarian‐coded’ and how macro social phenomenon influences microlevel behaviour, perspectives and strategies of boundary making.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 777-787, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nWhen do individuals in deeply divided societies participate in political activities aimed at increasing ethnic representation in cabinet ministries? I develop a cost–benefit framework to explain political engagement based on individuals' ethnic group membership and preferences for descriptive and substantive representation in cabinet ministries. Drawing on an original survey in North Macedonia, I find that ethnic Macedonians who value substantive representation are more likely to attend public meetings compared to Macedonians who value descriptive representation but that the opposite is true for ethnic Albanians. I also consider how willingness to attend public meetings changes when individuals value both descriptive and substantive representation. The results suggest that policy makers cannot assume that all members of the public have the same motivations for arguing for increased representation.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 972-989, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nSince colonial times, many have argued that British and French colonial rule differed in fundamental ways, and recent works exploring colonial legacies build on these claims to suggest that different forms of rule promoted contrasting postcolonial outcomes. Yet many historians and sociologists argue that claims of interimperial differences are inaccurate, overlook important similarities among British and French colonies, and overstate the influence of colonialism. In this article, we test these opposing positions through a multimethod analysis that focuses on the colonial models of political community. Through a statistical analysis of different colonial policies, we provide evidence that the general British model of political community was relatively pluralist whereas the French colonial model was usually highly integrative. And through a comparative‐historical analysis, we offer insight into the different origins of both: The French colonial model was influenced by the dominant model in France and metropolitan political concerns, whereas anticolonialism in India contributed to the rise and proliferation of the more pluralist British model.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 941-953, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nCurrent definitions of populism are insufficiently determinate. They fail to distinguish between populism and nationalism. We propose to remedy this problem by advancing a new definition of populism as the logic of democratic resentment. We apply this new definition to a comparison between Spain's Podemos and Portugal's Left Bloc (BE), which we classify as social carriers of populism. We make two contributions to the literature. First, our findings dispute existing characterisations of the Portuguese case, which fail to distinguish between populist and nationalist claim‐making. Second, our analysis undermines depictions of Podemos as the consummate populist party in Iberia: In 2015, the little studied BE was a stronger populist carrier than Podemos. The analytical framework underpinning this conclusion offers a more refined approach to populism than the alternatives and sets a higher standard for empirical replication.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 877-893, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nEthnic/national hybridity can be defined as a combination of plural ethnic/national aspects within an individual's self. This article proposes five such types: fused, dissonant, alternating, contradictory and reciprocal. Among them, the least focused type—reciprocal—can be represented by Russian Jewish Liberals who were Russified but active in both Russian and Jewish milieus from the late 19th century until the early 1920s (after the Russian Revolution, exiled in Western Europe). In such people's selves, the Jewish and Russian aspects reinforced each other. They believed that Russia and Russians provided a stage on which Jews could fulfil their potential, such as economic roles as intermediaries, proliferators of Western knowledge and defenders of the legal order, any of which, in their view, Russia and Russians needed, and feel pride in their Jewishness. Thus, they tried to defend Russia in times of crisis. Comparison with other Russian Jewish trends such as Jews in the Mensheviks and Russian Zionism suggests that such Liberals would be an extreme case but that the Late Imperial Russian multiethnic/national milieu would have been likely to generate such a trend.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 1061-1079, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nOver the years, literature studying stateless diaspora formation through a transborder social movement studies approach is growing. The recent rise of Hong Kong diaspora provides an emerging case of stateless diaspora that introduces new empirical insights into the scholarly literature. Using a mixed‐method research strategy, this study empirically investigates the formation of the Hong Kong diaspora as a ‘historically contingent process’, through which overseas Hongkongers were mobilised during the 2019–20 Anti‐Extradition Bill Movement (critical event) to join global protests (mobilising practices) by diaspora groups and activists (mobilising agents). Achieved transborder outreach across the Global North by mobilising their strong moral and cultural resources, it remains to be seen whether the emerging Hong Kong diaspora will move towards a full‐fledged, sustained identity‐based movement. The case study of Hong Kong diaspora offers new comparative insights and establishes a mixed‐method analytical framework for comparing stateless diaspora worldwide.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 760-776, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article argues for an analytic distinction between questions of collective identity and questions of solidarity in studies of nationhood. Whereas the former inquiry centres on group classifications and commonalities, the latter examines cooperation and patterns of interaction among group members. Although theoretical discussion of national solidarity is sparse, three central approaches in the field can be highlighted: understanding solidarity as a byproduct of identity, as a relationship between strangers and as an extension of sociability. The distinction between solidarity and identity bears on the much‐disputed dichotomy between ethnic and civic nationalism. Civic nationalism has been widely criticized for failing to account for group boundaries and shared culture. Yet its emphasis on patterns of interaction and cooperation should not be neglected either. Instead of addressing the civic–ethnic dichotomy as two types of national identity, one could benefit from differentiating between epistemological questions about (ethnic‐national) identity and those about (civic‐national) solidarity.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 841-860, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article analyses the changing relevance of ethnolinguistic characteristics as predictors of political attitudes in Ukraine, drawing on surveys conducted before and after the Euromaidan revolution and Russian aggression. We argue that the usefulness of certain characteristics as measures of ethnic identity reflects their cognitive and social usefulness for the population, necessarily influenced by prevalent discourses and power relations. Our analysis focuses on the changing impact of ethnic categories on political attitudes in response to changes in social context which affect widespread perceptions of these categories among the population. We distinguish between two types of social interaction that are likely to activate ethnic identity and make it more useful for individuals' social navigation: internal differentiation and external delimitation. We hypothesize that the former type increases the relevance of ethno‐linguistic categorization while the latter facilitates ethno‐national identification. Of particular importance are two types of contextual change: International conflicts can contribute to the priority of external delimitation and, therefore, the activation of national identity, while domestic conflicts or crises can accentuate the need for internal differentiation and thus the usefulness of ethnolinguistic identity. Our analysis detects such change for certain categories of ethnic identity in Ukraine.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 1022-1039, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThis paper is a study of the Islamic Republic of Iran's 1st‐ to 12th‐grade textbooks. This paper examines issues of language, race, ethnicity and religious nationalism in textbooks to cast light on how the state in Iran has striven to Perso‐Shi'ify the polity through its education system. The official textbooks depict the sovereign community (Persians) as the sole agent of history. The state considers alternative (unofficial) narratives treasonous. This is an in‐depth study of how Iran's state‐sanctioned textbooks, their situatedness and the contextual knowledge gained from them offer revealing points of interpretation, illuminating the foundation of the existing structural ethnolinguistic dividing lines, and shows that Islamism, as the governing bounded logic implanted in textbooks, lends solidity to racial theories and historiographies. This study sporadically discusses the views and experiences of a number of Kurdish schoolteachers with whom we could conduct in‐depth interviews.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 3, Page 924-940, July 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThere have been changes in how support is rallied for the secessionist process in the Basque Country this century. We can appreciate a new scheme based on factors relating to welfare along with the traditional scheme based, above all, on factors relating to identity. How important is each of them? By using the statistical technique of logistic regression, we have been able to look deeper into the variables that explain being favourably disposed to a Basque state, as well as those that explain a change in stance, based on a variety of dimensions. The results indicate, on the one hand, that there is currently no one factor to explain a favourable position towards a Basque state. What's more, in the future, the stances on a Basque state are likely to shift more easily, depending on the interests and sentiments at any given moment.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article explores ‘everyday’ or ‘vernacular’ conceptions of Muslims, Islam and their relationship to ‘British values’. Drawing on original data from focus groups in the East of England, it argues that the relationship is typically constructed around a series of binary pairings. Where Islam is held to be traditional, conservative, pious and outmoded, British values are seen as progressive, liberal, secular and modern. This opposition matters for three reasons. First, it is a contingent construction rather than reflection of realities; one that draws upon Orientalist tropes and militates against alternative ways of imagining this relationship. Second, it does important work at the vernacular level in explaining political dynamics, especially successful integration (because of British liberalism) and the failure thereof (because of Islam's traditionalism). Third, its predication on an essentialised claim of difference inflects even competing efforts to story the British values/Islam relationship which tend, we suggest, to reinforce the positioning of Muslims and their values as somehow beyond or external to Britishness.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThe leading elites of the ethnonationalist movements that developed in the aftermath of World War I in Western Europe usually refused to see their nations and territories as ‘national minorities’. In their view, they were stateless nations or nationalities. However, in the aftermath of World War I, the prior international discussion on the nationality principle was increasingly replaced with the notion of ‘minority rights’, enhanced by the implementation of the Minorities Treaties by the League of Nations. Thus, the term ‘national minority’ emerged as a label that permitted ethnonationalist activist to present their claims on the international stage. This became evident in the participation of some Western European national movements in the activities of some transnational non‐governmental organisations, such as the Congress of European Nationalities (1925–1939). However, the general programme advocated by the most influential leaders of East‐Central ethnic minorities, based on the extension of the personal principle and the implementation of non‐territorial autonomy all over Europe, was hard to accept for ethnonationalist elites from Western Europe, which were interested in territorial home‐rule and believed that their homelands did not fit in the category of ‘minority’. This article explores the modalities and limits of that cultural and political dialogue.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThe main thesis of this article is that nationalist political discourses emerged in Hungary more suddenly, radically, and earlier than previously thought. An underlying assumption is that nationalism may be best understood through an analysis of political discourses. The sudden appeal of these kinds of political discourses demands explanation. How did the discourses of nation overwrite earlier discourses? How did they gain social, political and cultural legitimacy? How were they related to the Enlightenment? In answering these questions, we first point to the ambiguity and fluidity of new concepts and terms, such as nation, language, fatherland, patriot, and foreigner. These key concepts of nationalist discourses provided innovative and independent sources of political legitimation. They enabled the frameworks of political life and thought to be re‐established. They made for an easy entry into politics because they were rooted in familiar, earlier political discourses. However, for the success of nationalism as a political paradigm, the new discourses of nation also had to make attractive ideological offers and project positive visions of the future. These offers, as we will show, were built on an appeal to “public happiness.” They bound together Magyarisation and nationalism and grew from an ideology into a political programme.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nNationalism is often associated with xenophobia and isolationism in academic literature. The negative image of nationalism has been further strengthened by the electoral success of far‐right political figures across the world. However, treating all nationalism as a uniformly negative phenomenon risks over‐simplification, as nationalism might manifest differently given different social context and rhetorical resources available. Taking Hong Kong as a case, this paper theorises Hong Kong as a stateless nation and examines the alleged negative association of nationalism. It moves beyond the traditional ‘Hong Kong vis‐a‐vis China’ framework and explores the relationship between Hong Kong nationalists and non‐Chinese international actors. Drawing on data from major Hong Kong political parties' Facebook page, this paper shows that Hong Kong nationalism exhibits a high level of internationalism in both inward and outward dimensions, theorised, respectively, as the willingness to accept foreign influence and to invite international cooperation, and therefore offers a nuanced understanding about the relationship between nationalism, xenophobia and isolationism.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nAlthough the last two decades have seen a vast increase in studies that analyse banal nationalism in media, there is one medium that has largely been ignored in these discussions: video games. This article fills part of this gap by analysing the way in which the historical strategy game Civilization V represents the Past and what role it gives nations within historical processes. This video game was marketed globally by an American company, but it evokes Spanish, Japanese, and English nationalist narratives and imagery. Although globalization and nationalism are often framed as opposing forces, this is hardly the case here. This paper will combine insights of Game Studies and Nationalism Studies to illustrate how the elements that conform Civilization V incentivise and enable players to re‐enact a narrative that portrays essentialised nation‐states as the only relevant actors in the past, present, and future of humankind. Although a product of globalization, Civilization V strengthens rather than erodes national boundaries.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article examines state‐society relations and inter‐communal dynamics in conflict, focusing on the case study of non‐Muslim minorities in Iraq. It draws on interview data to analyse the lived experiences of Iraq's Yazidis and Christians before, during and after Islamic State (IS) rule. It finds that the attacks by the IS on Iraq's Yazidi and Christian communities not only caused considerable suffering but also led to a renewed crisis of faith in the Iraqi state and a further breakdown in relations with other groups, especially Sunni Arabs. However, Iraq's Yazidis and Christian have also demonstrated remarkable resilience in terms of returning to their ancient homelands and rebuilding their fractured communities. Together, these findings raise further questions about the legitimacy of the Iraqi state in the eyes of its non‐Muslim minorities and the prospects of a peaceful multicultural future for Iraq.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 2, Page 592-611, April 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nPoliticians often seek to strengthen national identity by encouraging immigrants to adopt the ‘national values’, thus supposedly boosting trust. However, empirical studies of the social effects of national identity have focused almost exclusively on the native majority. In this article, we instead ask how national identity among immigrant minorities affects their trust, including towards natives. We draw on unique survey data from a representative sample of the five largest non‐Western immigrant groups and their descendants in Denmark. This reveals that national belonging, national pride and citizenship preferences are positively linked to social as well as institutional trust. These relationships hold even when controlling for the perception of sharing one's values with others and the extent to which one holds ‘typically Danish’ values widely shared among the majority population. This suggests that the emotional component of national identity, but not its content in the form of values, indeed forms an important basis for social cohesion.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 2, Page 696-713, April 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThis study discusses the socialisation experiences of young Chinese from two different education backgrounds and media environment. Through a survey on the attitudes of students from Macau and mainland China towards nationalism‐related news events using a survey, this study has revealed that their education social background and media‐use patterns have a greater impact on students' attitudes towards political events (military parade and Occupy Central) than cultural events (Tu Youyou's Nobel Prize and championship of women's volleyball team), and the differences of their attitudes vary depending on the events in question. Moreover, mainland students are more nationalistic and supportive of the official mainland media's discourse on sovereignty issues, but more sceptical of its sources on events of conflicts between Chinese ethnicities. The findings of this study have revealed how wider media exposure impacts the attitudes of individuals; additionally, it responds to the debates on whether people are more inclined to recognise their existing common identities or influenced by the political regimes constructed by the elites; most importantly, it tests the socialising experiences of nationalism among young Chinese from different educational and media backgrounds.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 2, Page 539-556, April 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nAre populism and nationalism two inseparable dimensions? The controversial argument is that both exclusionary and inclusionary populism draw on nationalist representations and traditions to construct their political discourse. In the case of Podemos, several scholars have argued that this party presents a nationalistic character based on its invocation of the ‘patria’ and a demarcated, imagined political community. This article relies on an original data set in order to test this hypothesis related to Podemos's supply and demand. With regard to supply, we explore four party manifestos to elucidate how Podemos refers to the nation, Spanish identity, sovereignty and immigration. To evaluate demand, we analyse the party's supporters' political attitudes and values regarding the nation, assimilation of immigrants and national preferentialism. Our results show that Podemos's supporters express lower levels of national identification than the remainder of the population. Similarly, the former analysis reveals a pro‐immigration position and a tendency of the party Podemos to avoid issues related to national identity. Departing from these results, we draw several implications on the use of nationalism for the categorisation of political parties and, in particular, left‐wing populism.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 2, Page 662-679, April 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nGhana has been held up as an oasis of stability in a highly volatile region of Africa due to its peaceful decolonisation process, absence of serious civil conflict and successful change of governments. However, in Ghana as in parts of postindependence Africa, there are lingering secessionist movements that are a legacy of colonialism. The latest comes from the Homeland Study Group Foundation (HSGF) which declared the former British Togoland, a former United Nations trust territory administered by the United Kingdom, as an independent state called Western Togoland. Through the prism of competing or alternative national imaginaries rather than the weak and dysfunctional state paradigm, this article seeks to explain the roots of a form of Togoland nationalism in Ghana in events of 1956 that remains relevant today. The paper argues that an apparently successful integration can stimulate/give sustenance to alternative nationalist imaginaries.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 2, Page 523-538, April 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nLiberal nationalism has been the subject of increased attention in the wake of the 2010s rise in national populism. It has been seen to offer a concessionary form of national identity which is compatible with the liberal values of inclusivity and egalitarianism. This paper argues that recent attempts to delineate the contours of a specifically liberal national identity fail to highlight much that is distinctively liberal, as opposed to conservative, about its content. The criteria that such attempts propose typically apply almost equally to conservative accounts, thereby overshooting the target. However, further ideological excavation reveals that there is an alternative axis for distinguishing between liberal and conservative conceptions of national identity: democratic inclusivity. The paper further proposes that shifting the emphasis to this dimension, and to liberal and conservative accounts differing aims and formation processes, is conducive to both greater ideological transparency and bridging the gap between theory and practice.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 2, Page 557-573, April 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article examines the idea of Northern Ireland independence in Unionist political thought. It focuses on three moments which compelled Ulster Unionists to re‐evaluate Northern Ireland's constitutional status as part of the United Kingdom—the Stormont parliament's cohabitation with the post‐war Labour government, Stormont's collapse in 1972, and the Anglo‐Irish Agreement of 1985. It argues that rather than being the expression of Ulster nationalism or a contractarian understanding of political obligation, Unionist arguments for independence were motivated by a classical republican concern: the arbitrary power Northern Ireland is subject to as part of the United Kingdom. This locates Unionist thought on independence within a problem of democratic self‐determination: the relationship between majority rule and the bounds of the political community. The article finds that each moment compelled particular Unionist thinkers to reconceive of Ulster Unionists as a political minority subject to arbitrary power in the UK constitution and to choose between Northern Ireland and the United Kingdom as the sovereign political community. The article is unique as there exists little scholarship on the idea of Northern Ireland independence and instructive in providing a challenging case study to assess the attraction and determinacy of classical republicanism as a theory of self‐determination.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 2, Page 628-644, April 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThe article challenges the existing view of Mt Athos, a centre of Orthodox Christian monasticism, as a hotbed of Russian and Balkan nationalism at the turn of the 20th century. It proposes to analyse that complex situation using the concept of “national indifference,” that is, prioritisation of concerns and loyalties different from the agendas pursued by nationalist activists. The article suggests that the motivations of most Russian and Greek monks in that autonomous monastic republic were dominated by traditional piety, corporate interests, mundane economic concerns, regional and dynastic loyalties. I will rely on Greek and Russian archival sources to discuss chronologically how those alternatives appeared to take the upper hand around several flashpoints from the return of significant groups of Russian friars in 1839 after a late medieval hiatus to the end of over four centuries of Ottoman control of the area in 1912.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 2, Page 680-695, April 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article examines the meanings of Indian nationhood at the grassroots level in “settled” locales where no state‐seeking separatist movement exists but local identifications of caste, language and religion are politically prominent. Based on ethnographic data from four rural and urban locales, the article extends the literature on Indian nationalism and everyday nationalism. At the grassroots, Indian nationhood is fuzzy and intermittent in nature; “conceptual frames” are a useful analytical tool to examine this, with a focus on territory, community and political leadership. Indian nationhood is not conceptualised predominantly as a cultural category; it is meaningful as a journey towards an ideal horizon defined by the values of dignity, rights, freedom, equality and socio‐economic development. Non‐elites play an active role in nation‐making and invoke these frames strategically and self‐consciously for local and particular purposes.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 2, Page 501-522, April 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nIn this article, I explore whether, and if so how, national identity affects the level of formal democracy in a country. I theorize and then investigate four assumptions: (i) classical nationalist stances hold that national membership depends on the accident of origin and cultural markers learned by early socialization. This non‐voluntary identity gives human beings a natural sense of belonging in society and fosters solidarity and trust that lead to better democracy; (ii) drawing on ideas about core values of ideal democracy the non‐voluntarist national identity exhibits an inherent contradiction between in‐group bias and intrinsic equality, which leads to lower levels of democracy; (iii) homogeneity in belief about what constitutes national belonging eases the dynamics between majority and minority, which benefits democracy; (iv) the presence of an in‐group identity, understood as a shared fellow‐feeling, boosts trust and solidarity and thereby benefits democracy. Individual‐level data about national identity comes from International Social Survey Programme (ISSP, 2013). Data about democracy comes from Varieties of Democracy (Coppedge et al., 2021; Pemstein et al., 2021). Results indicate that higher levels of non‐voluntarist features of national identity are strongly negatively correlated with levels of democracy and heterogeneity in beliefs about what constitutes national belonging relating to a higher level of liberal democracy.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 2, Page 714-725, April 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nFor decades now and particularly during the 2020 presidential campaign, American conservatives have stressed the need to protect “religious freedom.” Building on research documenting a connection between Trump‐support, a desire to privilege conservative Christianity, and perceptions that conservative Christianity is persecuted due to its anti‐LGT (lesbian, gay, or transgender) views, we theorise such factors were the ideological driving force behind prioritising “religious freedom” in the 2020 presidential election. Drawing on national survey data from just after the November election, we find Christian nationalism and perceptions of anti‐Christian discrimination are strong predictors that (1) Americans feel “religious freedom” was an important factor influencing their vote and (2) that they ranked it the single greatest factor influencing their vote. In contrast, the perception that LGT persons are not discriminated against also predicts viewing religious freedom as important, as does a perception of anti‐Semitism, but never perceptions of anti‐atheist or anti‐Muslim discrimination. Findings suggest conservative Christian supremacism, fear of (Judeo‐)Christian persecution and belief that LGT persons are privileged are ideological antecedents of votes for “religious freedom.”\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 2, Page 574-591, April 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThis paper uses a comparative case study of Nikola Tesla's use as a symbol in interwar Yugoslavia and the contemporary United States to build upon Anderson's theory of modular nationalism. The modularity of national symbols, I argue, is driven by their utility in addressing similar social, political and economic transformations in different countries and may be transmissible through emigrant communities—albeit not without some changes in substance. Just as Yugoslavia used Tesla to bridge ethnic divisions, Yugoslav emigrants deployed Tesla to enhance their status in the United States. The cult of Tesla, moreover, is doubly modular, with its Yugoslav incarnation drawing inspiration from the American cult of Thomas Edison, just as Edison's current obsolescence as a symbol led to the cult of Tesla's adoption in the United States.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 2, Page 612-627, April 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nMany charges have been made against Catalan secessionism from a normative or ideological point of view. In this article we would like to focus on the accusation that the secessionist movement is xenophobic, racist or ethnicist. Between 2017 and 2019, and particularly since Quim Torra was named president of the Generalitat, this has been the dominant criticism in the arguments set out against secessionism. We are interested in evaluating the strength of this accusation in this contribution. In this respect, we focus on the discourse and the main legislative actions adopted by the Catalan institutions since embarking on a determined bid for sovereignty, popularly called the Process, in 2010. Our conclusion is that both from discursive and legislative points of view, it can be concluded that Catalan secessionism cannot be considered as an ethnicist movement.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, Volume 28, Issue 2, Page 645-661, April 2022. ", "\nAbstract\nThe study foregrounds the multifarious involvement of children in the economically nationalist campaign in interwar Turkey, with a focus on the Week of Domestic Goods. Children occupied a central place in economic nationalism both as present‐day promoters of domestic consumption and the loyal citizens and nationalist consumers of the future. The Kemalist elite sought to boost the consumption of locally made goods and reach out to the masses by mobilizing children in daytime parades, extracurricular activities and patriotic displays. In their assigned role of patriotic consumers, children functioned as a bridge between the families and the state. The article argues that children were not simply pawns of governmental authorities but became active economic agents as performers, intermediaries and participants in public events within the schema of economic nationalism.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThis article investigates the historical and structural foundations of the war between the northern Tigray region of Ethiopia and the federal government. It does so by employing Mamdani's theoretical framework of rethinking the politics of national belonging. The article considers one of the central propositions in Mamdani's broad vision of political decolonisation, that of reimagining the relationship between nation and state in the face of violent contestations over national belonging. The article argues that the recurring civil wars in Ethiopia indicate that the country's ongoing pursuit of a nation‐state is a futile exercise that will continue to produce cycles of political violence. Despite not being colonised, Ethiopia has not escaped the destructive consequences of colonial modernity that the rest of the postcolonial world continues to grapple with. The article thus locates Ethiopia's protracted and violent search for nationhood within the narrative of postcolonial modernity in Africa.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nAlthough nationalism has been identified as the dominant ideology of the modern era, and environmentalism is the 21st century rising star, few studies address the relationship between them. The consensus seems to be that they are hardly compatible, considering that nationalism is a boundary‐building phenomenon while environmentalism advocates for the safeguarding of the environment beyond national borders. Drawing on evidence from fieldwork in the region of Freiburg‐im‐Breisgau, near the French‐German border, our study challenges this assumption. Not long ago this was a heavily militarised territory and a place of historical national friction between France and Germany, yet now it has been converted to, and rebranded as, a model of a successful, environmentally friendly region. Rather than wearing down nationalist sentiments, national pride has been reinvigorated as the vestiges of German nationalism have been buried under a thick layer of environmental paint; this time national pride is grounded not in the military power of the nation but in its defence of the environment. Through this case study, framed within the lens of nationalism theories, we argue that nationalism has the potential power to adapt to harmful heteronomous threats such as environmentalism, leverage on and bond with them and finally re‐emerge even stronger.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nThe field of queer/sexuality studies in Taiwan was pioneered in the 1990s by a group of mainly second‐generation descendants of Chinese civil war migrants (waishengren) who have problematised and disparaged the post‐martial law Taiwanisation of identity and politics. Despite the seminal nature of their ‘sex positive’ work that challenged many cultural orthodoxies, subsequent sociopolitical developments strengthening civil society, visibility of and human rights protections for tongzhi (LGBTQ) citizens, the consolidation of Taiwanese identity, and the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) acceleration of revanchist hostility towards Taiwan over the past two decades have coalesced to forge unequivocal rifts between them and a new generation of Taiwanese sexuality scholars and activists. This rupture highlights how “Taiwan's sex/gender/sexualities knowledge production and reproduction have long been intertwined with the [contentious] politics of nationhood, nation‐building, and nationalism” (Kao, 2019). In probing these interstices, this article proposes a decolonial approach to tongzhi identity politics in Taiwan.\n"]

["Nations and Nationalism, EarlyView. ", "\nAbstract\nIn Ethiopia after 1991, ethnic identities are the fundamental governing principles of politics. Not only has the process provided the institutional basis, but it has also created ethnic groups in a variety of ways. The discursive construction of Amhara identity in Ethiopia is the topic of this research. For a long time, the Amhara have identified as Ethiopians. The Amhara have been portrayed as the opponent of Ethiopia's Nations, Nationalities and Peoples (NNPs) since the second part of the 20th century, according to the hegemonic discourse of national oppression. Anti‐Amhara sentiment, on the other hand, may be traced back to the Italian colonial period (1936–1941). Until recently, being and becoming Amhara was constructed from the outside and challenged from within. As a result, the characteristics of an ethnic political system that ushered in the post‐1991 era, continued demonisation and societal fears all play a role in the formation of Amhara identity. As a ‘cultural security policy’, embracing Amharaness has become a route out of these predicaments. Amharaness emerges from a counter‐narrative that resurrects historical and symbolic myths.\n"]